tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-21753481821437012062024-02-21T18:38:07.312+05:30KARNATIQUEA critique of the world in which Kannadigas live and let live.Kiran Batnihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15275674146188053027noreply@blogger.comBlogger56125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-46500629257336251162017-08-29T11:47:00.000+05:302017-08-29T11:49:39.631+05:30A Dictionary that Provides Native Kannada Synonyms for Sanskrit Words<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0Eiexd_1plCbUsATWHYNQsLce4C_9bRi3sXehSQfGKjpbPFuOYISMCrIx-nRdi6G4xPwdJ-2iyWb6SwM_RSk-WDJFlcaJHBW7GnNQ5UDjhCUptqnrefP-REK-H1R7P1wAUqHq6VxOMf0/s1600/samskrutha_padagalige_kannadadde_padagalu.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="680" data-original-width="450" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi0Eiexd_1plCbUsATWHYNQsLce4C_9bRi3sXehSQfGKjpbPFuOYISMCrIx-nRdi6G4xPwdJ-2iyWb6SwM_RSk-WDJFlcaJHBW7GnNQ5UDjhCUptqnrefP-REK-H1R7P1wAUqHq6VxOMf0/s320/samskrutha_padagalige_kannadadde_padagalu.jpg" width="211" /></a></div>
A Sanskrit-Kannada dictionary '<a href="http://dnshankarabhat.net/%E0%B2%B8%E0%B2%82%E0%B2%B8%E0%B3%8D%E0%B2%95%E0%B3%83%E0%B2%A4-%E0%B2%AA%E0%B2%A6%E0%B2%97%E0%B2%B3%E0%B2%BF%E0%B2%97%E0%B3%86-%E0%B2%95%E0%B2%A8%E0%B3%8D%E0%B2%A8%E0%B2%A1%E0%B2%A6%E0%B3%8D%E0%B2%A6/">Samskṛta Padagaḷige Kannaḍaddē Padagaḷu</a>', co-authored by <b>Dr D N Shankara Bhat</b>, <b>Y Bharat Kumar</b> and myself was released on the 5th of August. There are several Sanskrit-Kannada dictionaries that are already available. But this dictionary is different from all of those in several ways.<br />
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The Kannada synonyms provided in the dictionary are native Kannada words. In other Sanskrit-Kannada dictionaries, one can see mostly Sanskrit words as Kannada equivalents. For example, in one such dictionary, 'buddhi' and 'prajne' are provided as Kannada equivalents of the Sanskrit word 'Dhi'. But interestingly, both these 'Kannada synonyms' are in fact Sanskrit words. Similarly, in providing 'yuvati' for 'taruni' and 'svikara' for 'parigrahana', one can see that the Kannada synonyms provided are actually Sanskrit words.<br />
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To an average reader it would be impossible to know which of the synonyms are actually native Kannada words and which ones among them are of Sanskrit origin. This new dictionary will be of great help to such a reader who would want to know native Kannada words.<br />
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It is well known that Kannada authors use plenty of loan words, especially those of Sanskrit origin, that are not easily comprehensible to an average Kannada reader. This is particularly true for scientific literature in Kannada. In science and technology, there is always the need to coin new words. Whenever there is such a need to coin a new word to describe a new invention or a new scientific concept, Kannada authors have mostly resorted to Sanskrit. Such a practice has made the scientific vocabulary hard to comprehend.<br />
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Such words are not only difficult to understand but also coining such new words to express newer and more advanced concepts becomes increasingly difficult. As a result it affects the overall educational progress of the language community. In other words, using familiar native Kannada words to build vocabulary in any subject will only help increase comprehensibility in general, and gradually improve the levels of education overall.<br />
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In fact, there are two schools of thought. One, as mentioned above, believes in resorting to Sanskrit to build new words. The other believes in borrowing vocabulary from English. But to a common Kannada reader or student, both English and Sanskrit are unfamiliar and hence any vocabulary built based on either of these languages will only make the concepts difficult to comprehend. Most of the readers would be forced to rote learn, than understand. Therefore it makes a lot of sense to construct new words in Kannada, which is easily comprehensible.<br />
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The book has about twenty five thousand Kannada words, provided with examples of usage in sentences and other word forms. To people interested in using native Kannada words and to those interested in building and coining new words in Kannada, the dictionary will give a good idea on an approach to coin and use native Kannada words.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-59344179832245839082017-01-30T08:41:00.000+05:302017-01-30T10:31:36.961+05:30Linguistic Chauvinism: The True Face of the Language of National Integration<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Hindi academics and writers, a hundred and thirteen of them, from different parts of India have <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/Don%E2%80%99t-add-Hindi-dialects-in-Eighth-Schedule-say-academics/article17064058.ece">reportedly </a>written a letter to the Prime Minister Narendara Modi and the Home Minister Rajnath Singh urging them not to entertain any requests to add 'Hindi dialects' into the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution.<br />
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A professor who teaches in the Hindi department of the Calcutta University says</div>
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Eighth schedule means independent identity of a language. What will remain of Hindi if its key dialects are recognized as separate languages? The only reason Hindi has its status as official language is that it has the highest number of speakers</blockquote>
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Well, what can you say of such a statement? Cunningness, lies, falsehoods and falsifications...<br />
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<b>Dialects of Hindi?</b><br />
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Bhojpuri, Maithili, Awadhi, Rajasthani, and several more are termed as dialects of Hindi. They are spoken across a vast stretch of landmass across the northern plains and together account for a little more than 40% of all of India's population. But the fundamental question - are they really dialects of Hindi?<br />
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To answer this question let us understand what Hindi is. Hindi or Standard Hindi is the modern literary form of Khariboli, which is spoken in the western parts of today's Uttar Pradesh. It was standardized in the 19th century with a heavy borrowing of vocabulary, especially technical and administrative, from Sanskrit. In its spoken form, essentially it is nothing but Khariboli.<br />
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Awadhi, which neighbors Khariboli, has been in parallel existence for ages. The famous Ramacharitamanas of Tulsidas, that is now appropriated as ancient Hindi work, is in fact written in Awadhi. Linguists group Awadhi in the Eastern subdivision of Indo-Aryan languages, while Khariboli, is grouped in the Western. How can a language be considered a dialect of another language that belongs to a different linguistic division?<br />
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Like Awadhi, Bhojpuri, Maithili, Magahi, which are often termed as dialects all belong to the Eastern division. In comparison with Khariboli, Rajasthani languages fall under a completely different zone of Indo-European languages, and linguistically are much farther away. Their linguistic proximacy leans more towards Gujarati and Khandeshi - a language spoken in parts of Northern Maharashtra - than towards Hindi.<br />
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So, in reality, a large number of northern Indian languages wrongly deemed dialects of Hindi, are distinct languages belonging to different linguistic zones and divisions under the Indo-Aryan language family.<br />
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<b>Cooked-up Numbers</b><br />
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We often hear that Hindi is the largest spoken language in India, and that its native speakers number more than 40% of India's population. This huge number becomes possible when many such independent languages are brought under the Hindi hood as its dialects. As per <a href="http://www.censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/Census_Data_Online/Language/Statement1.aspx">this</a> GoI's website, more than 49 languages were considered as dialects of Hindi in the 2001 census.<br />
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Movements in Bihar and Rajasthan, over the past several years, have been demanding their languages, Bhojpuri and Rajasthani respectively, be recognized as independent ones and be included under Schedule Eight. Their demand is well-grounded and it is their right to get their due. So if it is so fair, why are Hindi academics crying foul?<br />
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<b>Hindi Fanaticism</b><br />
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The answer lies in Hindi fanaticism. It is this fanaticism that has ensured the declaration of Hindi as the sole official language of the Union, with constitutional sanction to impose the language on all of India's peoples, even if they are unwilling. Constitutional sanction does not only imply that a few academics or a section of people believe in Hindi fanaticism. It also clearly exposes the imperialist attitude of the Delhi establishment. </div>
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Fanaticism has also slyly made sure to build a false association of Hindi with Indian nationalism. Such a false association was built on the myth that most of India (read it northern India) speaks Hindi as its native language. As large as 40%. And to add to it, it was propagated that another large portion of the population understands Hindi and it makes all the more sense for the remaining 'minuscule' population to learn and use the language. This way all Indians could communicate freely, and achieve 'national integration'. Sounds Utopian, but reality is far different.<br />
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Now that the speakers of Hindi 'dialects' are increasingly becoming aware of their rights the threat to this utopia, built on myths, appear imminent. This is so plainly evident in the professor's statement in which he questions what will be left of Hindi now? Clearly they are threatened by the developments in Bihar and Rajasthan, two prominent states of the Hindi belt.</div>
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<b>Language Rights Vital for the Union</b><br />
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To a Hindi fanatic, it is fine to deny the right to identity and recognition to language communities. It is all fine if speakers of these languages are denied their right to education in their language. Denying their right to administrative use of their language is not a serious issue. After all, it is a small sacrifice in return. It is the same logic that is applied on language communities of the South and elsewhere too. Hindi in administration is imposed on them. What else justifies the official language status to Hindi alone in a union where hundreds of languages are spoken?</div>
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It is good to see an increased linguistic awareness in people. It is good for the Union of India, as a whole as well. For, we cannot have a stable union with a vast section of the population being denied their basic linguistic human rights for long. It will shatter us some day. So, in the interest of the union and in acceptance of people's linguistic rights, the union should accord them the due recognition. In a democracy people's rights are far more important than Hindi-chauvinistic intentions of the Delhi establishment and people with similar beliefs in the academia.</div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-65801093471912198002016-12-07T06:36:00.000+05:302016-12-07T06:40:11.682+05:30Demonetization – Building Allies vs Forcing into Action<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Ever since the demonetization decision was made public by the Union Government of India, on the 8th of November 2016, lot has been discussed about the pros and cons of the measure. However, not much has been discussed about the measure from the federalism angle. In this article, we try to look at the whole demonetization exercise from the federalism point of view.<br />
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<b>Taxation Powers in a Federal Polity</b><br />
In many mature democracies, the taxation powers are distributed between the states and the union (also called as ‘federal’) governments. Not just the indirect taxes, even the direct taxes like Income tax and Corporate tax powers are with the state governments too. In federal polities like USA, Canada or Australia, this is the norm.<br />
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In India however, the powers to levy direct taxes rest solely with the Union Government. This in itself is, over-centralization of powers. When nations like Canada and Australia with population of 20-30 million take fiscal federalism seriously, what stops the highly diverse nation with a population of 1.25 billion from taking fiscal federalism seriously?<br />
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<b>The Black Money</b><br />
In the previous paragraphs, we discussed about direct taxation powers. Because by definition, black money is the amount for which direct tax has not been paid. By retaining the power to levy direct taxes, the union government has kept to itself all the incentives to fight tax evasion. Had the state governments been provided with direct taxation powers, as is the case in mature democracies, the union would have found natural allies in all the state governments in the fight against tax evasion.<br />
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<b>Building Allies vs Forcing into Action</b><br />
The current approach, taken by the Union Government to catch tax evaders, is more like ‘Forcing’ the state governments into action. Quite naturally, when something is forced upon someone, the reluctance levels will be high and enthusiasm levels will be low. Needless to add, that in a federal setup, such moves are against the fundamental principles of federalism. The frequently heard term of “co-operative federalism” appears to be lacking any substance, considering the current approach.<br />
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For co-operation between any two elected governments, there must be an <i>incentive</i> at play. Had the direct taxation powers been in concurrent list, the resulting bounty from the fight against tax evasion would have been an incentive, for both the union and the state governments. To tackle tax evasion, whether it is the USA working with Switzerland, or Germany working with Panama, the approach one can see is that of ‘carrot & stick’. That is how co-operation is achieved, and is made effective. “Stick alone” approach, doesn’t build a strong and effective co-operation.<br />
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The demonetization exercise by the union government is akin to “stick-only” approach, and is evident that there was no effort to build consensus among the state governments and the union. This one exercise has strained the federalism-fabric so much, that we might start hearing the benefits of common currency across the union of India <i>being questioned</i>.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-33213691007306505702016-09-20T10:41:00.001+05:302016-09-20T10:41:50.039+05:30The other India speaks and demands #GoIMakeMyLanguageOfficial !<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span><b><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">By Rakshith Ponnathpur</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Hindi was falsely claimed as a national language of the Indian Union and time and efforts of considerable scale was spent by the Union government in its propagation. For decades there was hardly any resistance to this undemocratic and anti-federal move by the Union. Things started to change in the last decade with Tamil, Telugu, Marathi, Kannada, Bengali, Punjabi voices coming together to demand an end to Hindi hegemony and seek equal status to all scheduled languages of the Union. Access to social media has given a platform for people to rally around and demand language equality. Quite naturally this has upset the Hindi lobby in Delhi and efforts to impose Hindi have multiplied in the last few years only to see a bigger resistance from the Non Hindi speaking citizens.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Hindi Divas, a day when the Union government doles out prizes, awards and promotions to its employees who use and promote Hindi in its administration is a black day for the democracy in India. Union government runs hundreds of offices across the country offering various citizen services to different peoples of India. It’s nothing but common sense that for effective delivery of these services, the government should speak the language of the governed. An overzealous government that sees Hindi as the only true identity of India thinks otherwise and hence spends crores of taxpayers’ money in mindless and dumb celebrations like Hindi Divas causing much heartburn and anger among non-Hindi speakers. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">This year’s Hindi Divas was protested on social media with a huge twitter campaign carrying the hash tag <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/goimakemylanguageofficial" target="_blank">#GoIMakeMyLanguageOfficial</a>. More than a thousand twitter users speaking various Indian languages came together and expressed their anger against the continued neglect of their languages by the Union and demanded official status to their languages too. This raised the hackles of those in power and we saw two statements coming from Delhi. Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh, a Hindi speaker himself, <a href="http://indianexpress.com/article/india/india-news-india/hindi-diwas-national-language-rift-politics-rajnath-singh-3031577/" target="_blank">said</a> “Some people are trying to create a rift in different parts of the country in the name of language,” in his address at the Hindi Divas function. It is apparent that he was referring to these linguistic equality groups in general and the Twitter hashtag which was trending nationally throughout the day in specific. Minister of State, Home Ministry, Kiren Rijiju also entered into damage control mode quickly after, giving a <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/centre-against-imposition-of-hindi/article9115921.ece" target="_blank">clarification</a> that Centre was against imposition of Hindi but would continue to promote Hindi as envisaged in the Constitution. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">He was referring to Article 351 which has made it “the duty of the Union to promote the spread of the Hindi language and to develop it so that it may serve as a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India”. It is this very article which has allowed successive Central Governments to impose Hindi on non Hindi speaking peoples of India in the name of its promotion. The linguistic equality groups therefore want the article to be gone for good as it is against the very fundamental spirit of equality of both status and opportunity for the non Hindi speakers who form the majority of India. While the Hindi lobby aggressively pushed for a monolingual policy, strong resistance by leaders from non Hindi regions ensured that India would at least remain officially bilingual.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">However, the constraints which restricted India to be officially bilingual no longer hold. The unprecedented recent technological progress can smoothly facilitate India’s transition from a bilingual to a multilingual democracy. The Union Government which is betting on schemes like Digital India to reach India’s masses should voluntarily be looking to push for amendments and update the outdated language articles to make it reflect the changed realities of today. It is unfortunate that it is instead going the other way and denying the majority of India services and opportunities in their languages even though they have become both possible and feasible.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;"></span><i><b><span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The Centre being a collective Union and a representative of all of India should either promote all languages or make the promotion of all languages including Hindi the responsibility of states where they are native. Spending all taxpayers money on promoting just one region’s language is grossly unjust and must stop immediately.</span></span></b></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Kiren Rijiju also reminded the states of their responsibility to promote India’s other languages. The million dollar question though is why the Centre doesn’t entrust the promotion of Hindi with the ten Hindi speaking states, while it entrusts the promotion of other Indian languages with states even though most such languages have official status in at most one or two states. The Centre being a collective Union and a representative of all of India should either promote all languages or make the promotion of all languages including Hindi the responsibility of states where they are native. Spending all taxpayers money on promoting just one region’s language is grossly unjust and must stop immediately.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">Rajnath Singh talked of how Prakrit was the common language in ancient India and justified its descendant Hindi being modern India’s common national language. His statement makes sense if one considers only some of its northern and western parts as India, but is grossly incorrect if one considers the whole of India. Northern and western India speaking Prakrit/Hindi as a common language is no reason for the Indian Union to proclaim Hindi as its lingua franca and spread it from Kashmir to Kanyakumari, from Agartala to Vadodara and even to the secluded islands on both sides of India’s peninsula.</span></div>
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</span><span style="font-family: arial; font-size: 12.6667px; vertical-align: baseline; white-space: pre-wrap;">The annual Hindi celebrations is just an example which shows the level and kinds of special treatment Hindi receives at the cost of other languages. The Union Government owes each and every one of us service and opportunities in our languages and every language an equal status and this is exactly what the Twitter campaign #GOIMakeMyLanguageOfficial demanded. The linguistic equality movement is no longer restricted to protests against attempts of Hindi imposition alone but it wants all the unfair language articles to be repealed and the Official Language policy to be amended paving way for an officially multilingual India with all its 8th Schedule Recognized languages becoming Official Languages in letter and spirit.</span><br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-176050185724617572016-08-02T11:38:00.000+05:302016-08-02T11:38:32.202+05:30Centre State Investment Agreement and Its Impression on Federalism in India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<b>- Rakshith Ponnathpur</b>.<br />
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Finance Minister <b>Arun Jaitley</b>, in this year’s Annual Budget, proposed for an agreement to be signed between the Union and the states to facilitate smooth implementation of Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) that India is set to enter into with the nations of the world, replacing the existing Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreements (BIPPAs). While signing this agreement is not mandatory, the perception that states which sign the agreement are better investment destinations than states which do not, will serve as an incentive for the states to sign the agreement.<br />
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The primary objective of the Centre-State Investment Agreement (CSIA), as the agreement is called, is to ensure fulfillment of state governments’ obligations under these bilateral treaties. Many a time, investors feel cheated because of a state’s failure to fulfill the promises made by the Union while signing the agreements. But signing the CSIA will bind the states to fulfill their commitments, bringing in some accountability into the whole business. CSIA is the first such move to actually involve the states in an area which has been exclusively Union's realm so far.<br />
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However, critics rightly argue that CSIA will have very little legal significance should investors approach international courts for arbitration. Irrespective of any agreements signed between the Government of India and its states, only the former can be held liable and accountable externally. This is because only the Union Government has the power to enter into treaties on behalf of the Indian Republic and once it has acceded to its terms, the international obligations assumed thereunder bind the entire country and not any individual states. CSIA can only facilitate shifting of blame for the embarrassment from the Union to the states internally.<br />
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The introduction of this agreement will also impact federalism in India, an area which clearly does not feature among the strong points of Indian polity. The states will not particularly be impressed with yet another provision which will enable Delhi to shift the blame to their capitals. Creation of a negative perception about a state’s investment ecosystem should it excuse itself from signing the agreement and Union's plans to inform investors beforehand about states which have not signed the CSIA will further make the states feel that the agreement is unfair on them, which is understandable since the states have little say in the provisions of the bilateral treaties itself in the first place.<br />
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A solution for this would be to institutionalize the involvement of state governments in the treaty-making process. The states will not find the CSIA unfair if they themselves are involved in formulation of the provisions of these treaties. The Chief Ministers of states can be made members of a consultative commission on treaty making (like the Governing Council of Niti Aayog) and this need not just be restricted to investment treaties, but can also be extended to other international agreements like the WTO treaty, Free Trade Agreements and Double Taxation Avoidance Agreements. Many of these agreements involve domains like agriculture which fall under the State List and directly impact the states, and it would only be logical on the part of Union Government to include actual stakeholders.<br />
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CSIA featured in discussions held at the recent Inter-State Council Meeting, with Tamil Nadu Chief Minister <b>Jayalalitha </b>welcoming the Union's move to include states in the treaty-making process and also raising some of her reservations about the draft CSIA agreement. There is a possibility that the Union might try to pass on some financial burdens it might suffer from penalties under already existing bilateral agreements, which she feels is unfair since states are neither party nor aware of the provisions of earlier treaties. She also expressed her concern that the Union deducting such dues from the amount it transfers to states, would impact the implementation of schemes of state governments, and called for the deletion of the provision which enables the Union Government to resort to this practice.<br />
<br />
Centre State Investment Agreement will be a commendable and an affirmative step, which will help in bringing some much needed order, accountability and cooperation between the Union and the states in smooth implementation of bilateral treaties, provided it makes the Union and the states part of the holistic treatyformulation process. Otherwise, it may well go on to be yet another provision which makes states liable to the shortcomings of provisions they were not even aware of, in the first place.<br />
<br />
This is a golden opportunity for the Union Government to show it means no nonsense when it talks of cooperative federalism, and include states as equally responsible stakeholders in foreign investment.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-45245548309768631092016-05-16T10:08:00.000+05:302016-05-16T10:17:09.370+05:30A NEET Blow to the Autonomy of Linguistic States<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
Ever since independence, the Union has always tried to accumulate more and more power for itself in all subjects of eminence – quietly and gradually cutting down the autonomy of the states. The subject of education is no exception. In fact, education is a key factor for development, growth and governance, and hence exercising control over the matter is key for any authority to hold on to power and accumulate more of it. The Union, time and again, meddles with the subject in such a fashion that it encroaches into the space of the states, one step at a time, seizing more powers with every single move. <br />
<br />
Obtrusion through National Eligibility Entrance Test (NEET) is the Union Government’s latest fiasco. NEET is a common entrance test for admission to MBBS and BDS courses that starting from this year, will replace All India Pre Medical Test (AIPMT) and all entrance examinations to the above courses conducted by state boards and by private institutions. It will be conducted by the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE).<br />
<br />
As we will see further in this article, in the long-term this will deteriorate into a situation, in which the Union holds complete sway over education, and controls and dictates all learning, and development opportunities of our children. Needless to say, this is quite anti-democratic in nature. The subject of education should be with the states, to ensure the jurisdiction of education remains much closer to people. It makes little sense to drive the all-important subject of education through a distant establishment completely disconnected from them.<br />
<br />
As with any Union Government undertaking, support for languages has been a concern with NEET. When it was introduced back in 2013, students could take it up in eight languages, i.e., Telugu, Tamil, Gujarati, Marathi, Bengali, Assamese, Hindi and English. But this year, when it is made mandatory across the Union, non-Hindi students do not have the option to take up the phase one of the examination in the language of their choice. They can only choose between Hindi and English.<br />
<br />
But the phase two of the test is being considered to be conducted in the above mentioned languages. The choices are still limited. There are already concerns that question papers could leak if they are translated to these many languages. Denying the choice of a language not just shows insensitivity towards non-Hindi peoples but also clearly demonstrates operational inefficiencies that were unwarranted in the first place. <br />
<br />
Why is it that the Union, in most of its undertaking, time and again comes up with operational and executional excuses to deny support to other languages but has enough resources and forethought to support Hindi, any time and at any place?<br />
<br />
Take the Railways, for instance. The Railways has enough money and resources to use Hindi in announcements, tickets, boards, signage etc in all non-Hindi regions of the Union. But when asked for tickets to be printed in Kannada, it either comes with the excuse of lack of funds or operational inefficiencies. The pattern with NEET is similar. <br />
<br />
It would not be a surprise if in the near future, the CBSE board puts its foot down and says no more support for ‘regional languages’ in NEET. We often come across the rubbish argument that Hindi and English being widely spoken languages are generally understood by a majority across the Union and that other languages are either not needed or may be left optional. This has been the devious stratagem of the Union in administration and general policy making. Education is no exception.<br />
<br />
Of course, the Union Government has expressed concerns over phase I of the examination being only in two languages, English and Hindi, citing the reason that it will impact students from non-Hindi states and those from non-English medium background. But it appears that the far-term vision is to gradually converge towards Hindi and English, rather than invest in all the languages in building strong higher education systems in them. <br />
<br />
That the state governments will lose all authority or control over admission to MBBS and BDS courses in their respective states is crystal clear. Take for example, the Gadinaadu Kannadiga and the Horanaadu Kannadiga quota in Karnataka. Will the Government of Karnataka be able to conduct tests and fill-in admission for these quota? Will the CBSE board or the Union Government allow this? Or can the state government submit a plea if it is not permitted as per rules? We do not know for sure. But the state will no more be able to freely take decisions in the interest of its people.<br />
<br />
Also, how will the state governments ensure justice to poor and rural students, who mostly do their schooling in the state syllabi? The syllabi of the states are vastly different from each other and from that of the CBSE board. These students are already disadvantaged owing to lack of coaching and guidance. The introduction of NEET will leave them further handicapped.<br />
<br />
The states will also lose out the opportunity at restructuring or remodeling the system with novel methods. If a state, for instance, wants to adopt an advanced method of testing, or introduce a new subject it will not be possible any more. <br />
<br />
In the long-run the states also stand to lose authority over primary education. With entrance exams coming under the CBSE board, parents would want their children to take up the CBSE syllabus right from early years of schooling. So, this will ensure that there will be very few takers left for the state boards. And the state boards, with decreasing enrollments, will be forced to align with the CBSE board to remain ‘relevant’ and ‘competitive’.<br />
<br />
With more schools moving to CBSE, Hindi will be taught more widely in the non-Hindi states. But these schools will not be bound to teach the states’ languages. While the influence of Hindi will increase, the non-Hindi languages will take a beating as lesser and lesser of the young generation of the non-Hindi peoples will have good reading and writing proficiency in their mother tongues.<br />
<br />
States like Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh etc., did raise a few objections against NEET. But they have all mostly been related to operational issues. Very few, unfortunately, has been against what is fundamentally wrong with the initiative. <br />
<br />
NEET definitely needs to be scrapped. But that is not enough. We should ensure that the Union leave education to the states and not get into running the affairs of the subject. That requires moving the subject, which is now on the Concurrent List back to the State List (education was in the State List, but was moved to the Concurrent List during the time of emergency). <br />
<br />
This is what has given the Union powers to override the policies of the states on education. It is unsure if the current wave of protests will stop NEET. Regardless, the states and its peoples should identify this fundamental fallacy and work towards getting education back to the State List.<br />
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<i><b>(Image: <a href="http://images.financialexpress.com/2016/04/students.jpg">financialexpress.com</a>) </b></i></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-84265598510698379992016-04-14T19:13:00.000+05:302016-04-14T19:13:24.001+05:30A Talk on Misuse of Article 356 in Independent India<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
In the recent past, the Indian Union witnessed two instances of
dismissal of democratically elected state governments and imposition of
President's rule. They were the result of exercise of the
provisions of Article 356 of the Constitution. Per this article, the President is
empowered to 'assume to himself all or any functions' of a state
government' in the case of failure of constitutional machinery in a
State'. <br />
<br />
So, what is this Article 356 all
about? What are its provisions and how democratic are they in principle?
What is the article's history in the Indian Union? What were the debates around
this subject in the Constituent Assembly? How has it been used (or
abused) in independent India since the time it came into effect? What
was the impact of Union-States relationship after the Supreme Court's
landmark judgement in the '<b>S. R. Bommai</b> v/s Union of India' case? How
has it affected the federal setup of the Indian Union?<br />
<br />
To get
answers to the above questions and deliberate over the subject further,
join <b>Vasant Shetty</b> for a talk on Sunday, the 17th of April 2016, at
Total Kannada, Jayanagar, Bengaluru. The talk titled 'Misuse of Article
356 in independent India' will be in Kannada. The details of the event
are here in this Facebook event invite, please confirm your presence if
you are interested to attend the talk:<br />
<a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/1749198648658284/" target="_blank">https://www.facebook.com/<wbr></wbr>events/1749198648658284/</a></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-3916394529138689922016-03-28T09:09:00.000+05:302016-03-28T09:09:04.050+05:30GST: What it Means to Federalism in the Indian Union<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The Goods and Services Tax is being sold as the best thing that could happen to the system of indirect taxes in the history of the Indian Union. Simplification and streamlining of taxes, uniform taxation across the union, one integrated market, multitude of opportunities to leverage economies of scale, boost to the GDP and significance to the Make in India initiative - the benefits, we are told, are astounding. But what does it mean to the states and their diverse peoples?<br />
<br /><b>A brief history of GST in the Indian Union</b><br />
<b> </b><br />To begin with, let us look at the history of GST. The proposal was first made in the Union Budget speech of 2006-07. None of the states had asked for it in the first place. The Union Government, nevertheless, wanted to roll out a national-level GST. Meaning, indirect taxes like excise duty, additional excise duty, service tax etc., that fall under the purview of the Union Government, and sales tax, purchase tax, entry tax, entertainment tax etc., that come under the state governments would be subsumed under one national-level tax structure, and that would have no state component. So, the States would get no revenue from goods and services; instead the Union would own and collect all taxes and redistribute among the States.<br /><br />It was then handed off to the Empowered Committee of Finance Ministers to lay the road-map for its implementation across the Union. Since there was representation of the states in the committee, the idea of national-level GST was opposed. Which state would want to lose its revenues or even the control over its revenues? Finally, a compromise was reached with the dual-GST model, which included a state component too. But as we will see further, the compromise does not necessarily restore control back to the states.<br /><br /><b>GST - Thrust upon unwilling states</b><br />
<br />The idea of GST - whether a national level GST, as it was to start with, or a dual GST, as it is being proposed as a compromise now - has come top down from the Union to the States. The States have only agreed to it as a compromise and never wanted such a structure in place. When the States did not want what gave the Union the legitimacy to impose a new taxation structure on them? Note that by legitimacy I do not mean Constitutional legitimacy; I am rather questioning the invasive and imperious attitude of the Union Government in a federal setup comprising several diverse states, each with its unique history, culture, issues and state of socio-economic development.<br /><br />The AIADMK rightly pointed out the effect the GST Bill will have on the autonomy of the states. In a dissent <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/rajya-sabha-panel-backs-majority-of-gst-bill-proposals/article7452844.ece">note </a>the party observed: <br /><br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
..the GST Council, as a constitutional body, impinged on the legislative sovereignty of both Parliament and the State legislature and would jeopardise the autonomy of the States in fiscal matters.</blockquote>
<br />The GST Council will be setup with the passage of the Goods and Services Tax Bill. It will be headed by the Union Finance Minister with the state Finance Ministers as its members. This council will be responsible for the categorization of goods and services, and will decide the tax rates on the same. In matters pertaining to taxes and revenues, all States in the Union should abide by its orders and decisions. What democratic legitimacy and credibility will an elected body retain, when its own matters are decided by a superseding external council that is nominated? The concerns of sovereignty and autonomy of the States, expressed by the AIADMK are absolutely relevant.<br /><br />No doubt, there is representation of the states in the council. The council, as already stated, will have state Finance Ministers as members. But the weightage given to the states is something to be noted. The Union Government has decided to hold a weightage of one-third of the total votes for itself, and has given two-thirds' weightage to all the states put together. With this, the Union has ensured it has veto power of sorts for itself in the council. The States, needless to say will be dummies. Barring a few exceptional cases in which a majority of States may come to a common agreement, this setup ensures the Union has total control in all matters of indirect taxation in the country.<br /><br /><b>The GST Council is anti-Federal</b><br />
<b> </b><br />States that are ruled by the so called 'national' parties, usually have to toe the line of their party high-command, whose agenda is primarily focused on holding the reins of power at Delhi. The interest of the people of the State comes next to this agenda. While this will tilt the balance of power more in favour of the Union Government, those States with less influence in the Union and those ruled by state-level parties will find it much harder to influence any decisions in their favour. <br /><br />It is also being said that the States can appeal to the council. But a democratically elected government going to a council for matters such as its own taxes and revenues is fundamentally opposed to the idea of democracy and federalism. A legislature elected by the people should hold these powers, not a council or a committee. It also becomes much tougher for the states to come up with and roll out any new or innovative economic policies. They all will have to operate within the limits imposed by this one framework decided by the council.<br /><br /><b>Who will really benefit from economies of scale?</b><br />
<br />I also want to address the argument of integrated market and economies of scale. Who does this benefit? It certainly benefits businesses and enterprises that are well established and have large scale inter-state operations. But what if the states want to take a different approach to nurture local entrepreneurship, for example? What autonomy will they be left with to roll-out an economic policy favouring local entrepreneurship when a uniform framework is already decided by and rolled out from a committee sitting in a far-off Delhi? <br /><br /> Do we really need an integrated market? Do we really need economies of scale? Can our people leverage the so-called economies of scale effectively? These are questions that each state and its people should discuss, debate and take decisions on. Rolling out from Delhi, a single policy for diverse peoples, makes little sense. In fact, it comes with the attitude of 'I know what you need better than you do' - violating the fundamentals of free choice, liberty and democracy.<br /><br />By this I do not want to sound like a conservative opposed to economic progress. In fact, in today's world, free and democratic countries have attained much stable and viable economic progress in comparison to autocratic, dictatorial or less democratic ones. The USA, termed as the epitome of free- market economy does not have a unified, integrated market. The sales taxes vary across states. In states like Alabama, Oregon, New Hampshire etc., there is no sales tax at all. In contrast, California has the highest rate of sales tax. These rates are decided by the States themselves, the Federal Government has little say in it. To add to it, the cities, the counties and other local bodies may levy additional taxes. It is not just sales taxes, the States have their share of income tax as well, which is totally a Union subject in India. The USA has shown that a free market does not necessarily have to compromise on liberty of its people or the autonomy of its states. <br /><br />Another argument in favour of GST is the ease of doing business in India, as businesses do not have to deal with different tax structures in different states. This argument too does not hold any water, when you look at countries like the United States. Despite different laws and taxation structure across different states, USA is way ahead of the Indian Union in this parameter. <br /><br />Lot is being said about federalism, particularly co-operative federalism, of late. But the GST in its current form will be disastrous to the autonomy of states and the overall federal setup of the Indian Union. Here is a video recording of a talk on the same subject that I gave at Total Kannada, Jayanagar, Bengaluru, on the 13th of March. In this talk, which is in Kannada, I make the same arguments of democracy, federalism and liberty in purview of the GST bill. Comments / feedback/ discussion welcome. <br />
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-29115550861248172022016-03-04T15:54:00.000+05:302016-03-04T15:54:26.057+05:30A Talk on GST and Federalism<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/742957599174859/"><img alt="https://www.facebook.com/events/742957599174859/" border="0" height="400" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgac5m3v5LkIsrBLIAbpgEG3obDajMpJaVVOd1cZcro4UvqnbjjwIZgy0CLNXsgCodqJb8Ol79UrtFMeponiJlAtjl1ufRXgigS7uon2OsgUEH2i7NoLI5oP0xIsw6cj0tVxthXTRl4z5I/s400/tingala+angala+poster+-+Sandeep+for+print.jpg" width="282" /></a></div>
<br />
Goods and Services Tax (GST) has been one of the most debated subjects
in the last several months. The introduction of GST is expected to
streamline levying and collection of indirect taxes on the supply of
goods and services in the Indian Union by being a comprehensive tax that
will subsume several other taxes levied by both the Union and the
states. By reducing the cascading effect of taxes at every stage of
supply, it is expected to reduce the burden of tax, and benefit the
industry as well as the common consumer. While its expected benefits are
still being debated, I would like to explore the much less talked about
implications of the GST: What does GST mean to the federal setup of the
Indian Union? What does it mean to the Union-states relationship? What
does it mean to the fiscal autonomy of the states? <br /><br />Join me for a
talk on this subject on Sunday, the 13th of March 2016, at Total
Kannada, Jayanagar, Bengaluru. The talk titled 'GST in India's Federal
System' will be in Kannada. The details of the event are here in this
Facebook event invite, please confirm your presence if you are
interested to attend the talk: <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/742957599174859/">https://www.facebook.com/events/742957599174859/</a></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-33212153181548299532016-02-24T10:24:00.000+05:302016-02-24T10:24:57.166+05:30Kannada or Sanskrit - There is No First or Second Grade among Languages<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
In an <a href="http://www.vijaykarnatakaepaper.com/Details.aspx?id=9136&boxid=24613652">interview </a>to Vijaya Karnataka, a Kannada daily, last week, renowned Kannada litterateur <b>S L Bhyrappa</b> has advocated knowledge of Sanskrit as a necessary requirement for learning Kannada and for writing quality literature in the language. To justify his claims he not only mentions the examples of the poets of the yore like Pampa, Ranna, Janna and Kumaravyasa, but also cites the examples of the poets of the modern 'Navodaya' literature -who all had good knowledge of Sanskrit. He further goes on to say that Sanskrit grammar is pretty much similar to Kannada grammar and that possessing elementary knowledge of Sanskrit is a must.<br /><br />This is not the first time that Bhyrappa has made such claims. In fact, just about a month ago, in a programme organized by 'Samskrita Bharati' in Mysuru he had claimed that it is impossible to write top grade Kannada literature without the knowledge of Sanskrit. With all due respects to the litterateur’s contributions to the flied of Kannada literature, it must be said that the above claims are not based on scientific facts.<br /><br />Consider the languages like Latin, Greek, Persian, Arabic etc. These languages rose in prominence in different periods of history, and evolved mature literary traditions. There is also no dearth of scientific literature of the corresponding ages in these languages. In the same lines, in the modern era, languages like English, French, German, Italian, Japanese, Korean etc have made great progress, be it in the field of literature or science. It should be noted that these languages, be it in the yore or in the modern era, did not require Sanskrit to evolve top quality literature.<br /><br />If you take the instance of Kannada, it is said that the language came to be written about 2000 years back. It is undisputed that that first pieces of literature in Kannada were heavily influenced by Sanskrit. Kannada poets of those days, not only borrowed plenty of Sanskrit words but followed the Sanskritic poetic tradition too. But prior to this development, Kannada had evolved into a full-fledged language over a period of thousands of years, spoken across a large part of the Deccan. Such development and evolution of the spoken language did not require Sanskrit at all. It is well known and accepted that Kannada and Sanskrit evolved from different roots, and hence linguists classify them under different language families (Dravidan and Indo-European respectively).<br /><br />Coming back to the subject of literature, by the time Kannada literature blossomed, Sanskrit literature was already at its zenith. So it is natural for the Kannada poets of that time to be heavily influenced by the Sanskritic literary tradition. Had there been another language in place of Sanskrit in those days, the Kannada poets would have undoubtedly been influenced by the poetic tradition of that language.<br /><br />For example, many European languages have imbibed the literary tradition of Latin and not that of Sanskrit. Needless to say, such influences depend on cultural, geopolitical, commercial and religious factors prevalent in those times and in those territories. Hence the influence of Sanskrit literature on Kannada too should be seen in the light of cultural, geopolitical, commercial and religious factors prevalent in those days in the Kannada speaking regions. Considering Kannada as incapable or incomplete without Sanskrit is a mistake.<br /><br />Can one consider the Vachana literature that developed at about the twelfth century as lacking in quality just because it developed natively, and did not follow the Sanskritic tradition? That is impossible. There are hundreds of folk songs and epics in Kannada, can they be considered lower rung or not of top quality because they are not in the Sanskritic tradition?<br /><br />Looking at it scientifically too, any subject that can be expressed in one language can also be expressed equally well in another language. There is no evidence that suggests that one natural language is somehow better than another in expressive power. So, based on Linguistics science, there is no difference between languages that are considered to be classical and languages that are called as tribal.<br /><br />For example, any subject that can be expressed in a classical language like Latin can also be expressed in a tribal language like Xhosa. One may consider Latin as more refined, but the concept of refinement is quite subjective. Hence one cannot, in absolute terms, consider Latin as somehow more refined than or superior to Xhosa. One can only say that both languages are equally beautiful and that they differ in the forms of beauty.<br /><br />The advocacy of Sanksrit for learning Kannada, and considering Kannada incapable of superior literary expression without the support of Sanskrit arise from ignorance of the above facts. The beauty of a Kannada expression and the beauty of a Sanskrit expression differ only in kind and not in quality. Both are equally beautiful and one is not superior to the other. But only if one's opinion is heavily prejudiced in favour of Sanskrit, can one come to the conclusion that only Sanskrit is capable of top quality literature and that languages like Kannada require the support of Sanskrit.<br /><br />Vachana literature has already proved that such opinions as incorrect, several centuries ago. At about the same time that Vachana literature bloomed, i.e., in the twelfth century, a Kannada poet by name <b>Andayya </b>showed that beautiful poetry can be composed without using Sanskrit words by writing 'Kabbigara Kavam'. In the twentieth century, <b>Kolambe Puttanna Gowda</b>'s 'Kaaloora Cheluve' and 'Achchagannada Nudivanigalu' are shining examples of the beauty of native Kannada.<br /><br />It is true that Sanskrit has a great literary tradition and there is a wealth of knowledge in the language. The study of the language and its literature should be, no doubt, encouraged. But words like 'Sanskrit is a necessary requirement for writing quality literature in Kannada' are far from truth and derogatory in nature.<br /><br /></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-21530123942779869432016-02-18T07:48:00.001+05:302016-02-18T08:07:46.948+05:30Working on a Book on Challenges Faced by Indian Languages - Need Your Help<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Dear Karnatique readers,<br />
<br />
In Karnatique, we have always stood for linguistic rights of all language communities.
The status of a language, with respect to the number of speakers, its
geographical spread, its use in the fields of education, entertainment,
administration etc should be immaterial when considering linguistic
rights.<br />
<br />
There are hundreds of languages spoken in the Indian Union. The status
of each of these languages is different and the kind of challenges faced
by each are quite unique. However, there are some challenges that are
common to the language communities of India.<br />
<div>
<ul>
<li>Education, especially higher studies</li>
<li>Violation of the linguistic rights by the Union Government of India</li>
</ul>
</div>
One
of the major challenges is education. While it is possible to receive
school education in many languages, higher education in Indian languages
has still not been achieved. The work of building knowledge bases in
Indian languages has not taken off. In Karnatique, we have always argued
in favour of building higher education systems in the mother tongue and
have discussed its benefits to the society, especially in the context
of globalized knowledge-based economies of today. <br />
<br />
Challenges in
the use of languages in commerce and administration are also common
across language communities of India. In the administration the Union
government's language policy is a cause for concern. Article 343 of the
Constitution clearly calls out Hindi, with Devanagari script as the lone
official language of India. Succeeding articles, up till article 351,
prescribe ways and methods to promote the language through law,
administration and Union government controlled institutions - which is
explicitly imperialistic in nature towards non-Hindi peoples.<br />
<br />
In
the past, several linguistic communities have protested against the
Union's linguistic imperialism. The voices for linguistic equality in
the Indian Union are being heard even today, and are only getting
stronger. In fact, people belonging to different language communities
are gathering at Delhi on the 21st of February, to <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/951445774921452/" target="_blank">demand for upholding of language rights</a>. It is to be noted
that 21st of February is observed across the world as the International
Mother Language Day.<br />
<br />
The states and Union Territories of India,
having accepted the Official Languages Rules, and other so called
goodwill schemes, like the three-language formula, have been suffering
Hindi imposition for decades now. After the status quo following the protests in the
sixties, the imposition of Hindi on the entire geography of India has continued to date.<br />
<br />
People of various linguistic communities
have not only come to realize the serious nature of such language
issues in India, but have also come to appreciate the need for
collaboration between language communities to fight against them. That
several such initiatives involving multiple language communities across
India have been kick started is proof of this rising awareness. <br />
<br />
To
take this further, we need to have a clear picture of the current status
of various Indian languages, the evolution of the Union Government's
language policy, its effect on all the non-Hindi language communities,
and our future course of action to address the issues. This is important
not only for people taking up the cause of language issues but also
will help others understand the issues and better appreciate the efforts
to address them. For this purpose, I, based on suggestions from
friends and like-minded individuals, have decided to author a book on
the subject of "challenges being faced by the languages of India".<br />
<br />
But
such a book needs a comprehensive understanding of issues of a large
number of linguistic communities across India. Hence, an involved and
long-term collaboration with all of them is needed for this effort to be
successful.<br />
<br />
Currently, I have begun to collate all resources
available online, starting from the debates of the Constituent Assembly
to the latest circulars / orders of the education boards of the state
governments. If you are aware of any resource, document or research
material that you think will help in this regard, request you to kindly
share them.<br />
<br />
Also, there may be many issues and incidents that may
be specific to your state or language community and they may not be
known everywhere across the other states. Request you to share such
information as well. Many resources, including very crucial and
informative ones, may not be available on the internet at all. Here too,
your help is needed. Please write to me at <b>sandeepkambi</b>at<b>gmail</b>dot<b>com</b>.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-16331337598385424552016-01-08T22:04:00.000+05:302016-01-08T22:09:29.464+05:30Why Should Delhi Decide on Jallikattu?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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The last couple of weeks has seen some passionate debate on
Jallikattu and other forms of traditional animal sport in India, including the
Kambala practiced in Karnataka. The row began with the <a href="http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/news/national/centre-may-soon-allow-jallikattu-javadekar/article8037621.ece">announcement</a>
by the Union Environment Minister <b>Prakash Javadekar</b> that such traditional
practices may be allowed to continue from the beginning of the year, at the
same time making certain that animals are not subjected to any form of cruelty.
After close to two weeks of swithering to make a decision, the Union Government
has finally given a <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/centre-allows-tn-to-conduct-jallikattu/article8081472.ece">go-ahead</a>,
even as the Tamil Nadu Government has approached the Supreme Court for a <a href="http://www.asianage.com/india/tamil-nadu-seeks-jallikattu-ban-review-498">review</a>
of the ban. </div>
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Many animal rights activists and their supporters have
lashed out at the Union Government for its decision to lift the ban, despite
the Supreme Court order prohibiting bull fights and other forms of animal sport.
But there has also been strong support to lift the ban from many other
quarters, especially those in support of continuing the traditions</div>
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Earlier in 2014, the Supreme Court, in what was termed as a
landmark <a href="http://www.petaindia.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/SCC_AWBI-v.A.NagarajaOrs._7May2014.pdf">judgement</a>,
had ruled that animals such as bulls could not be used for bull fights, races,
and other such performances. This meant that Kambala of Karnataka, Jallikattu
of Tamila Nadu, bull races held in Maharashtra and elsewhere had to be stopped.
What is interesting is that the Supreme Court order also quashed the Tamil Nadu
Regulation of Jallikattu Act, a state act that permitted Jallikattu.</div>
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Are these sports really cruel on the animals? Do they
violate animal rights? We will not get into these questions here. These
questions pertain to the subject of ethics, which are not always universal. Different
cultures and societies have different standards and interpretation of the
subject, and what entails ethical behaviour varies. Laws, framed based on the
foundation of ethics, as a result, also vary across societies, cultures, and
nations. </div>
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So, the question we want to address here, is not if
Jallikattu is morally right or wrong. The question is - who should make the
pertinent laws and who should take these decisions?</div>
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The Supreme Court order was based on the provisions of The
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act, which applies to the whole of India,
excepting the state of Jammu and Kashmir. With so many diverse ethnicities and
societies across the Union of India, it is hard to understand as to why a
matter such as animal rights that can be so subjective and at the same time
vehemently contentious is governed by a single overbearing law. </div>
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It is impossible to assimilate all the various and often
conflicting interpretation of ethical treatment of animals into a single
homogeneous act or legislation, and an overbearing law such as this will inevitably
impose one cultural interpretation of the subject, on the rest of the states
and its peoples. With respect to people, the states being the more proximate
government entities are more competent and better placed to legislate and take
decisions on such matter. The entities that make a law, interpret it or take
decisions based on a law, should be as close to the people or the society in
question, as possible.</div>
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In the case of Jallikattu, the Union Government that enacted
the legislation, and the courts that interpreted it, ordering the sport to be
banned and quashing an act passed by the Tamil Nadu government, are much far
removed from the Tamil people. Hence the decision to hold such events and
festivities should be left to the state governments and the communities
involved, rather than laws and orders coming down all the way up from the Delhi
establishment.</div>
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The media, as usual, has made it a ‘national’ debate. With mounting
pressure on the Union Government to permit Jallikattu before the beginning of Pongal
festivities, it has now come up with an alteration to the 2011 notification by
the Ministry of Environment and Forests by granting exemption to such sport. As
per reports, the Animal Welfare Board of India may challenge the order in the
Supreme Court. Whether the ultimate outcome will favour the animal rights
activists or those in support of the tradition is a different matter, but it
still leaves us to the mercy of the Union Government’s laws and its
interpreters.</div>
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Eventually, the law, whether in its nature favours the
present case for Jallikattu or otherwise, should be discussed and enacted by
the Tamil Nadu legislature. Similaly, a law on Kambala, irrespective of whether
it approves the practice favouring tradition or bans it considering arguments
of fair treatment of animals, should be tabled, debated and then approved or
rejected in the houses of the Karnataka legislature. A single law for the
entire Union is not only unfair and insensitive to various peoples and
their accepted standards and societal norms, it is also quite impractical.</div>
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(<i><b>Image source: <a href="https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a1/Madurai-alanganallur-jallikattu.jpg">wikimedia.org</a></b></i>) </div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-83249387243202242282015-12-02T07:51:00.000+05:302015-12-03T00:44:14.477+05:30This English–Kannada Dictionary Breaks New Ground<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjndZwe9EcPtU_MtYABwkCMUUlGMyzH37HqwwXvLsud5l8JZqX9GjWgIsJYmyln1Vj60wKdj7hbohLFCf0ZHl4iTmOIFFOaerAGnb8AqBi-08Z_Ndxa66FLR4_WQSkJ_IU26xs2R1NSS5k/s1600/English_Kannada_Padanerake.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjndZwe9EcPtU_MtYABwkCMUUlGMyzH37HqwwXvLsud5l8JZqX9GjWgIsJYmyln1Vj60wKdj7hbohLFCf0ZHl4iTmOIFFOaerAGnb8AqBi-08Z_Ndxa66FLR4_WQSkJ_IU26xs2R1NSS5k/s320/English_Kannada_Padanerake.png" width="249" /></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Renowned
linguist <b>Dr. D. N. Shankara Bhat’s</b> new English-Kannada dictionary titled <i>English-Kannada Padanerake</i> (Kannada: </span><span lang="KN" style="font-family: "tunga" , sans-serif; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Tunga; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">ಇಂಗ್ಲಿಶ್-ಕನ್ನಡ ಪದನೆರಕೆ)</span><span lang="KN" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">was released last Sunday. It has been co-authored by <b>Y Bharath Kumar</b> and <b>Vivek Shankar</b>, both engineers by profession with
interest in the field of linguistics.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">While there
are several English-Kannada dictionaries already available in the market, this
work is quite different from the rest in three key aspects – </span></div>
<ul style="text-align: left;">
<li><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The
Kannada synonyms of English words provided in the dictionary are all mostly native
Kannada words, with a very minimal number having their roots in other languages</span></li>
<li><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Along with native Kannada words in popular use, it also includes newly coined words, especially those corresponding to the fields of commerce, science, technology, and
other modern fields of study</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span></li>
<li><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">It
has a sizable number of words coined by commoners and enthusiasts through the Facebook
group </span><a href="https://www.facebook.com/groups/papakapa/"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Pada Pada Kannada Padane</span></a></li>
</ul>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In all, there
are about 18,000 English words listed in the dictionary, to which, about 45,000
Kannada equivalents have been provided. It also contains several detailed
examples illustrating the use of words in their different shades of meaning.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">A good
portion of words contained in most Kannada dictionaries of today are of
Sanskrit origin that are not easily comprehensible to a common Kannada speaker.
This is particularly true of words used in the fields of science and
technology. Such words, owing to their unfamiliarity, appear quite complex and largely
fail to convey the intended meaning.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">As of
today, not much work has been done in building science vocabulary in Kannada.
We are mostly reliant on English, which makes learning difficult for commoners.
And whatever new Kannada words that have been coined, especially the terminologies used in
scientific literature, are mostly constructed from Sanskrit root
words. Most of these words, as said above, appear complex and not easily
understandable. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">This
dictionary tries to fill the gap by providing words that are easy to comprehend
and use. Kannada equivalents to scientific terms provided in the new dictionary
are very close to native words used in common speech. The use of native words
in coining new terms also has the inherent advantage of making use of native Kannada grammatical rules. Hence, not only is it easy to comprehend a new word and the
associated concept, subject matter experts and common Kannada speakers alike can coin new words all by themselves.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">By coining
words that are closer to people’s language, and using them in building content
in science and technology, several issues concerned with learning can be
effectively resolved over a period of time, serving as an enabler to students
studying science in the Kannada medium. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">And these
concerns are not just limited to Kannada, but pervasive across many other Indian
languages. Such language communities too should consider coining words in their
own languages to build their word stock, chiefly scientific lexicon, by the use
of well-known and commonly used words.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Needless to
say, the dictionary is just the first step in the long journey of building
corpus in Kannada. It is unprecedented in that excepting a few individual
attempts at coining words in native Kannada no other initiative has yet taken
up the task in such an organized manner and scale.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The
dictionary, released last Sunday, will be available in the market shortly. One
may follow Dr. Bhat’s </span><a href="http://dnshankarabhat.net/"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">website</span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> for the latest updates.</span></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-6660890585274743322015-11-17T17:50:00.000+05:302015-11-17T17:50:49.614+05:30Mother Tongues Vital to Achieve ‘Higher Education in India – Vision 2030’<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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In 2013 Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and
Industry (FICCI) articulated a vision for higher education in India to be realized
before the year 2030. Called <b>Higher Education in India – Vision 2030</b>, it recommends “goals, policy imperatives and implementation roadmap to
make higher education boost the growth of India to become the third-largest
US$10 trillion economy of the world”.</div>
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A Summit on higher education in India by FICCI held earlier
this month, brought out a report on the current status of higher education and a roadmap for the vision. The
report titled <a href="http://ficci.com/spdocument/20657/FICCI-EY-Report-2015%20.pdf"><b>State focused roadmap to India's Vision 2030</b></a> "is
aimed at developing strategies to align the FICCI Vision 2030 on higher
education for the Indian states”.</div>
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To achieve the vision it calls out a few imperatives –</div>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="page number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
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The report identifies three categories of imperatives – social,
economic and intellectual – and recognizes crucial targets to be achieved under
each category. The value of such categorization and targets is fairly evident
and admirable, but it is also important to understand the merits and efficacy of
the use of mother tongue or people’s language in realizing the three
imperatives. In the developed world mother tongue is considered the bedrock of
education but in the Indian Union the notion is conspicuously absent in popular
public discourse. </div>
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Consider the social imperative of achieving gross enrollment
ratio (GER) of 50% in higher education. Studies have revealed that mother
tongue based education has not only helped impart effective education but also
achieve higher enrollment rates. Research after research has revealed that
students learn better when taught in mother-tongue, and learning results are meager when the medium of instruction is a non-native language, more so for those
from socially and economically backward sections. Hence, focus on quality
mother tongue based education can not only help improve enrollment but also close
the disparity in enrollments.</div>
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The report’s economic imperatives aim for a skilled and
job-ready work force. Skills can only be built on a strong educational
foundation, to which mother tongue is key. Low employability of graduates has
long been a concern in India. A <a href="http://www.aspiringminds.in/docs/national_employability_study_IT_aspiringminds.pdf">national
employability study</a> conducted by Aspiring Minds shows that the
employability in the IT Product and KPO sectors, for example, are as low as
4.2% and 9.5%. One of the important reasons for such low employability is the
lack of fundamentals required for a job: good educational foundation,
comprehension skills, communication skills, analytical reasoning, creativity, conceptual
thinking etc. Quality mother tongue based education can help better address
these fundamentals.</div>
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The intellectual imperatives like high-quality research
output and creating a world-class research eco-system also require that students
be able to continue their higher education, including research in all subjects
of sciences in their mother tongues. We have <a href="http://karnatique.blogspot.in/2015/05/absence-of-higher-education-in-peoples.html">argued</a>
in Karnatique earlier that the highly innovative nations are the ones with
higher education systems in people’s language. </div>
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Of course, enabling our languages to be able to express
concepts of science and technology, and building world-class institutions in
them, will not happen overnight. But undoubtedly this is the only way by which
we can achieve success as evinced by the success stories of countries like Switzerland,
Sweden, Israel, Finland, Korea etc., which top the <a href="https://www.globalinnovationindex.org/userfiles/file/reportpdf/GII-2015-v5.pdf">global
innovation index</a>. In these countries students have the option to pursue
education in their languages at all levels.</div>
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The document clearly calls out the fact that most of higher
education is under the control of the states and hence any real change or
transformation can be brought about only by actions at the level of the states.
99% of an estimated 46,430 institutions of higher education in India are under
the ambit of the state governments. 97% of the 21.8 million enrolments are
under the control of the states. Also, 67% of public expenditure on higher
education (INR 384.6 billion) is contributed by the states. </div>
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In a union of states, as diverse and as heterogeneous as
India, every issue should be comprehended and dealt with at the level of
individual states. So, the report rightly understands the heterogeneous nature
of the issue and recommends the shift of focus of execution from the national
level to the state level to be able achieve any real transformation.</div>
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Since each state is different and the level of development
in higher education is different, the report rightly recommends different
action plans for different states. But one of key things for the states in the
process of implementation is to consider the language aspect. This aspect can
help address several issues with respect to 'access, equity and quality' that the report emphasizes.</div>
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However, the value of peoples’ languages in education has
hardly been understood and appreciated in public discourse in the Indian Union,
let alone being effectively harnessed. Hence the states need a long term vision
and commitment towards the use of mother tongues in education, and to be able
to realize Vision 2030 it is absolutely essential that they invest on the
languages of their peoples. </div>
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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-48597400658982839722015-11-05T16:00:00.000+05:302015-11-05T16:00:50.854+05:30Below Replacement-Level TFR of Non-Hindi States – Why the Union Government Must Act Now<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<![endif]--><b>Krishna Gopal</b>, joint secretary of the RSS, in a <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/world/report-rss-talks-about-demographic-imbalance-wants-review-of-population-policy-2140851">briefing
to the media</a> has expressed concerns over impending 'demographic imbalance'
in India. Hence, he has urged the Union Government to reformulate the National
Population Policy. Here is an excerpt from the press report in DNA that had
covered this in more detail:<br />
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The policy, he said, aimed at
achieving a stable but healthy population by 2045 by optimising the fertility
rate to the ideal figure of 2.1 total fertility rate (TFR) and it was expected
that it would be applied uniformly to all sections of the society as this aim
was in accordance with the national resources and expected future requirements.<br />
<br />
However, the National Fertility
& Health Survey (NFHS) of 2005-06 and the 0-6 age group population
percentage data of religion in Census 2011, both indicate that the TFR and
child ratio "is uneven across the religions", he said. </blockquote>
<br />
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Krishna Gopal is right in saying that the fertility rates
should be uniform across all sections of the society, and uneven TFRs may lead
to serious demographic imbalances. If India aims to achieve the ideal fertility
rate of 2.1, it is necessary that all sections of the society uniformly achieve
fertility rates of 2.1.<br />
<br />
While the RSS’s concern for uneven TFR and the resulting
demographic imbalance is based on religious parameters, it is equally important
to consider regional and linguistic parameters in the population equation. For,
the Union of India is not only diverse in terms of religions but also
linguistically and culturally diverse, and such consideration is important. So,
let us consider the past TFRs (2007), TFR goals for the <a href="http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/planrel/fiveyr/11th/11_v2/11th_vol2.pdf">eleventh
five year plan</a> (2007-12), and the latest available TFR data of some of the
states of the Indian Union.</div>
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<td style="border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; height: 24.8pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 121.45pt;" width="162"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
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<b>Eleventh Five Year Plan Target
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<b>Fertility Rate 2013</b></div>
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<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 121.45pt;" width="162"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
West Bengal</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 101.2pt;" width="135"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
2.2</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 114.9pt;" width="153"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
1.8</div>
</td>
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1.6</div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 2;">
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Punjab</div>
</td>
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2.2</div>
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1.8</div>
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1.7</div>
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Tamil Nadu</div>
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1.8</div>
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1.7</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 113.25pt;" width="151"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
1.7</div>
</td>
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Andhra Pradesh</div>
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2.1</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 114.9pt;" width="153"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
1.8</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 113.25pt;" width="151"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
1.8</div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 5;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 121.45pt;" width="162"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
Maharashtra</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 101.2pt;" width="135"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
2.2</div>
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1.9</div>
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1.8</div>
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Karnataka</div>
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2.3</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 114.9pt;" width="153"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
1.8</div>
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<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 113.25pt;" width="151"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
1.9</div>
</td>
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Gujarat</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 101.2pt;" width="135"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
2.8</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 114.9pt;" width="153"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
2.2</div>
</td>
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2.3</div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 8;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 121.45pt;" width="162"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
Madhya Pradesh</div>
</td>
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3.7</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 114.9pt;" width="153"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
2.6</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 113.25pt;" width="151"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
2.9</div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 9;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 121.45pt;" width="162"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
Uttar Pradesh</div>
</td>
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4.4</div>
</td>
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3.0</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 113.25pt;" width="151"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
3.1</div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 10; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;">
<td style="border-top: none; border: solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 121.45pt;" width="162"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
Bihar</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 101.2pt;" width="135"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
4.3</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 114.9pt;" width="153"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
3.0</div>
</td>
<td style="border-bottom: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left: none; border-right: solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top: none; mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-left-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-top-alt: solid windowtext .5pt; padding: 0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt; width: 113.25pt;" width="151"><div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;">
3.4</div>
</td>
</tr>
</tbody></table>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
As can be seen from the above table, many states were given
TFR goals well below 2.1 for the eleventh five-year plan. On what basis did the
Planning Commission set TFR targets below 2.1, to states like West Bengal,
Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka etc.? Was not the Planning Commission aware that
such targets are unscientific and can lead to large demographic imbalances when
it set them? Didn’t the planning commission know that TFR below 2.1 is suicidal
to any community? Or was it deliberate?<br />
<br />
Incompetence or deliberation, such an act by a ‘national’
institute of such repute will be interpreted as an unethical one and will lead
to mistrust in India’s federal setup.<br />
<br />
It seems, the <a href="http://mhrd.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/document-reports/XIIFYP_SocialSector.pdf">twelfth
five year plan</a> (2012-2017) too has not considered the state-wise uneven
TFRs, especially those falling below the replacement levels. In reviewing the
goals accomplished in the eleventh five year plan, the twelfth plan makes an
interesting observation – </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
Replacement
level TFR, namely 2.1, has been attained by nine states. High fertility remains
a problem in seven States…</blockquote>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In reality, those nine states namely, West Bengal, Punjab,
Himachal Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka
and Jammu and Kashmir, have not just achieved a replacement level TFR of 2.1,
but they are actually dangerously slipping below that level. And this is all by
plan.<br />
<br />
The twelfth plan does not alarm these states of their
dropping TFR levels, but has set an overall target for India at 2.1, which it
aims to achieve by 2017. On the reduction of India’s TFR to 2.1 the planning
commission says:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
India is on track for the
achievement of a TFR target of 2.1 by 2017, which is necessary to achieve net
replacement level of unity, and realise the long cherished goal of the National
Health Policy, 1983 and National Population Policy of 2000</blockquote>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br />
How will this be achieved? As is evident, it will not be
achieved by maintaining a healthy TFR of 2.1 across all member states and
demography of the Union. It will be achieved by further slumping the TFRs of
the Kannadigas, the Tamils, the Marathis, the Bengalis and the Punjabis, whose
fertility rates are already well below replacement levels. Whereas the
population of states like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh will continue
to grow.<br />
<br />
Just last week, China announced a shift from its decades-old one-child policy to a two-child policy in the wake of decreasing TFR and ageing population. If RSS is sincerely concerned about all the peoples of India, represented by diverse languages and cultures, it should also consider uneven and falling TFR levels of the above mentioned regions seriously. It is its political associate, the BJP, which currently holds the reins of power at New Delhi. So, the RSS should to take up the issue with the Government of India. At the same time, the NDA government should earnestly work towards getting the fertility rate of these non-Hindi states upwards to 2.1.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-84426573168136910202015-10-12T11:04:00.000+05:302015-10-12T11:04:13.739+05:30#TamilInHighCourt: A Demand for Democratic Rights<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<![endif]--><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">On
Wednesday last week (October 7 2015), a protest was organized at Parrys Corner
in Chennai demanding the use of Tamil in the Madras High Court. As the protest
began at about 3 PM, twitterati too expressed its support to the cause by
tweeting with the hash tag </span><a href="https://twitter.com/search?src=typd&q=%23TamilinHighCourt"><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">#TamilInHighCourt</span></a><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">. The hash tag was trending in the
afternoon for a while, not only in Chennai, but also notably in Bengaluru. Many
Kannada speakers expressed their support to the protest via twitter.</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Earlier, the
issue caught wide attention when lawyers demanding the use of Tamil in the High
Court barged into court rooms stalling proceedings, leading to the arrest of several
of them. While the Chief Justice of India chided the lawyers for their method
of protest, Justice <b>Markadey Katju</b>, former Supreme Court Judge backed
the demand of agitating lawyers and asked <b>Jayalalitha</b>, the Chief
Minister, to make use of the provisions of article 348(2) of the Constitution
to permit the use of Tamil in the High Court.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">The demand
of the advocates to use Tamil is legitimate and fair. In fact, all court work
in Tamil Nadu should have long been conducted in Tamil. Similarly, every High
Court in the Indian Union should conduct all its official work and transactions
in the official language of the respective state. Unfortunately, the Constitution
does not permit this!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Yes, this
is true. While a lot is being said about the constitutional provisions for the
use of the states’ official languages in the respective high courts, it is to
be noted that these provisions actually permit the use of the state language
only in proceedings. There is no binding on the courts to use the state
language in order, decrees, judgements or any other internal work. Here is the
full text of article 348(2):</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"></span></div>
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"></span>(2)
Notwithstanding anything in sub clause (a) of clause (1), the Governor of a
State may, with the previous consent of the President, authorise the use of the
Hindi language, or any other language used for any official purposes of the
State, in proceedings in the High Court having its principal seat in that
State: Provided that nothing in this clause shall apply to any judgment, decree
or order passed or made by such High Court</div>
</blockquote>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Conducting court proceedings in the state language is
imperative, so is the use of the state language in all internal work of the
courts. Courts are public institutions of paramount significance. And being
public institutions they should function in the language of the public. People
should have the right to use their language in courts, and no government should
restrict such use or force the use of another language. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
This view is also supported by UNESCO’s <a href="http://www.unesco.org/cpp/uk/declarations/linguistic.pdf">Universal
Declaration of Linguistic Rights</a>. With respect to use of people’s language
in courts, article 20(1) of the declaration says:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<div class="MsoNormal">
“Everyone has the right to use the language historically spoken
in a territory, both orally and in writing, in the Courts of Justice located
within that territory. The Courts of Justice must use the language specific to
the territory in their internal actions and, if on account of the legal system
in force within the state, the proceedings continue elsewhere, the use of the
original language must be maintained.”</div>
</blockquote>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
What happens if a case moves to the Supreme Court? While the
Constitution provides for the use the state language atleast in the proceedings
of the High Courts no such provision is available in the case of the Supreme
Court. People without the knowledge of English are severely disadvantaged in
India’s justice system.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Coming back to the high courts, apart from limiting the
scope for the use of state’s official language, the provisions of article 348(2)
also lead to a few, more fundamental questions. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
What is the need for the Governor to authorize or the
President to consent the use of a language in a high court? Should not the use
of the state’s official language in courts be made mandatory by default? On
what basis is the use of state’s language approved or denied? Why is the
Governor, an appointed nominal head, and not a democratically elected
representative like the chief minister, given the power of authority to
authorize the use of a language? </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Whatever may be the answers, there can be no justification
based on principles of democracy.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Another cause of concern is the provision to authorize the
use of Hindi in high courts of non-Hindi states. There is nothing that prevents
the Governor, who is neither an elected representative nor answerable to the
people of the state to authorize the use of Hindi in, let’s say, Karnataka. No
democratic state would permit such forceful imposition of a foreign or a
non-native language on its people. But unfortunately, the laws of the Indian
Union do.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Also, Hindi states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar and
Uttar Pradesh have already been permitted to use Hindi in the respective high
courts, while no other state high court is permitted the use of the state’s
official language yet. The bias of the Indian Union towards Hindi and its
speakers, and the resulting discrimination against the non-Hindi peoples, is
well known and we have explored this subject in several earlier articles in
Karnatique. So, even in cases where the law permits the use of non-Hindi
languages on par with Hindi, they are either long denied or ignored.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
It is evident that the questions and concerns raised above highlight
the lack of basic democratic tenets in some of the provisions of the
Constitution. To be just and fair to all the diverse linguistic communities of
India appropriate constitutional amendments are required so that the principles
of democracy are induced into the functioning of courts and other public
institutions.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
It is good to see the lawyers of Tamil Nadu come out in
protest demanding their linguistic rights. Other linguistic communities, majorly
Kannada, Marathi and Bengali speakers, have expressed solidarity with the
lawyers of Tamil Nadu. Such external support goes far in lending strength to
such demands. I hope other linguistic communities too demand the use of their
language in their state high courts. And as people of every state demand the
use of their language in courts, it is important that they support each other.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
But this should not be the end. This should be the
beginning. These protests have targeted to implement whatever is permissible
within the circumference of the law. But as we saw in this article, the law
itself possesses some fundamental flaws with respect to democracy and
linguistic rights of non-Hindi peoples. Unless these flaws are fixed, justice
and fairness will remain a far-fetched dream. Hence, in the long-term, all citizens
of India should unite to advocate linguistic equality in the Indian Union with
the ultimate aim of eliminating all discriminatory laws and provisions.<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"></span></div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-35583576229628244922015-10-05T15:44:00.000+05:302015-10-05T18:20:34.097+05:30That Linguistic States Donot Have a Historical Basis is a Lie<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In an
article in <a href="http://scroll.in/article/756747/restructuring-india-why-small-states-are-an-idea-whose-time-has-come">scroll.in</a>,
<b>Mohan Guruswamy</b>, columnist and commentator on economic policy and current
affairs, says this about the composition of India as a union of linguistic
states:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
India
was never meant to be a union of linguistic states, but a union of well
governed and managed states. Thus, the demand for newer administrative units
will be a continuous one, seeking to bring distant provincial governments in
remote capitals closer to the people.</blockquote>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Talking
further about linguistic states he questions their historical basis:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
Similarly,
Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Gujarat and other linguistic states
have no historical basis. The yearning for linguistic sub-nationalism is a
post-independence phenomenon. Often this linguistic sub-nationalism has been a
fig leaf for secessionism, as we have seen in Tamil Nadu in the past.</blockquote>
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b>Was India not meant to be composed of linguistic states?</b><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
On what basis does Mohan Guruswamy claim that India was
never meant to be a union of linguistic states? In the initial years after
India’s independence from British rule many leaders, including <b>Jawaharlal Nehru</b>,
were against the idea of linguistic states for the fear that it may lead to
disintegration of India. It is only because of the pressure of relentless protests
from people of different linguistic groups that the leadership agreed to
constitute a States Reorganization Commission, albeit reluctantly. Be it the
demand for Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka or Punjab, the protests were
so intense that the Indian Union had to give in to widespread protests.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br />
So, in saying “India was never meant to be a union of
linguistic states”, it is obvious that the author merely echoes the thoughts of
some of the leaders of the Indian Union, and does not acknowledge people’s aspirations
as was evident on the ground that witnessed wide-spread protests. Didn’t the Kannadigas,
for example, then spread across several administrative provinces express their
desire to come together under a single state? Didn’t the Marathis and the
Gujaratis express their desire to have their respective states carved out of
the Bombay Presidency?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b>The demand for linguistic organization of states is not a
post-independence phenomenon</b><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Yes, the demand for linguistic organization of states is not
a post-independence phenomenon, unlike the author's claims. <br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The state of Odisha (Orissa) was formed in 1936 as a distinct
linguistic province in British India. It involved the merger of Odia speaking
regions of a few princely states and the British ruled Bihar and Madras
presidencies. The movement to unite all the Odia speaking regions, itself began
in 1895. It was at about the same time, ie., the late 19<sup>th</sup> century
that several such linguistic movements started across India. The demand for a
unified Karnataka, for example, soon gained ground after the establishment of
the Karnataka Vidyavardhaka Sangha, in Dharwad in 1890. Though Karnataka had to
wait till 1956 to unite all the Kannada speaking regions, the movement
continued all through the pre-independence days.<br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The Congress was instrumental in directing such linguistic
yearning towards strengthening the forces of Indian nationalism fighting
against the British. While the Congress leaders were in favour of linguistic
organization of states before independence, post-independence they feared that
it would lead to balkanization of India. <b>Sankar Ghose</b>, in his book ‘Jawaharlal
Nehru, a Biography’ writes:</div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<div class="MsoNormal">
While the British favoured multi-lingual provinces in order
to dissipate the forces of nationalism, the Congress reorganized itself on linguistic
basis in the hope of making the party more acceptable to different regions.
This helped, as Nehru claimed, to transform the Congress from a middle-class
assembly to a mass organization; but as the States Reorganization Commission
later commented, ‘the national movement was built up by harnessing the forces
of regionalism’.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
As Prime Minister, Nehru favoured the British policy of not
having linguistic states but he hesitated to be firm in the matter because of
the past commitments of the Congress.</div>
</blockquote>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b>Historical Basis of linguistic identities</b><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In the subcontinent, speakers of a language, identifying
themselves as one people and of one nation, despite being spread across several
adjacent kingdoms or administrative units is quite ancient. Such
identification, which Guruswamy disapproves of as ‘sub-nationalism’ is much
more ancient than the idea of Indian nationalism itself. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br />
Take for instance the identification of Kannada speakers as
one people. In the ninth century Kannada work ‘Kavirajamarga’ written under the
patronage of the Rashtrakuta emperor <b>Amoghavarsha Nrupatunga</b>, the boundaries
of Kannada – the <i>naadu </i>(nation) – are defined. The poet defines the
boundaries as the Godavari river to the north and the Kaveri to the south, and identifies
the region between these as the <i>naadu </i>of Kannada people. He describes several
qualities of the Kannada speaking people with immense pride. And this was about
a millennium before the idea of Indian nationalism was seeded. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br />
It should be noted that Kavirajamarga is the earliest fully
available literary text in Kannada. So, the idea of Kannada speakers as one
people must have been much older than what has been recorded in the earliest
available literature, as evinced by several other indicators, like the army of <b>Pulikeshi</b>,
who ruled two centuries before Amoghavarsha, was referred to as ‘Karnata Bala’.
How can such a linguistic identity, known to have long existed in history, be
dismissed as regionalism or sub-nationalism?<br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b>Bringing government closer to people</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br />
The argument that the state capitals are remote and that
smaller administrative units need to be created to bring provincial governments
closer to people does not hold much ground when you consider the fact that much
of the power is centered in New Delhi, with the state capitals being mere ‘glorified’
municipal bodies that implement the Union Government’s schemes and projects. In
the <a href="http://karnatique.blogspot.in/2015/09/devolution-should-begin-from-new-delhi.html">previous
article</a> in Karnatique we explored the imbalance of power owing to more than
twice the number of subjects that New Delhi has jurisdiction over than what the
state capitals do.<br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
What is more interesting is that the number of subjects in
the state list has gradually reduced from 66 to 61 over the years – these subjects
were moved up to the concurrent and the union lists. And with a strong affinity
towards centralization, the trend is sure to continue. Considering its enormous
physical, linguistic and cultural remoteness from India’s diverse peoples, such
accumulation of disproportionate powers at New Delhi is anything but bringing government
closer to people.<br />
<br />
But Guruswamy who is so desirous of bringing government
closer to the people, advocates the idea only in the context of provincial
governments and is deviously silent in the context of the all-powerful Union
Government. As if to support this silence he claims “that the real
concentration of power is not with the Central government but with the State
governments” (we have shown in some of the previous articles in Karnatique that
this is a completely baseless claim and infact the opposite is true: <a href="http://karnatique.blogspot.in/2015/06/larger-linguistic-states-are-important.html">article1</a>,
<a href="http://karnatique.blogspot.in/2009/08/what-we-mean-by-federalism.html">article2</a>,
<a href="http://karnatique.blogspot.in/2009/02/indias-non-central-non-government.html">article3</a>).</div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
For this reason, when he talks of decentralization, citing
examples from the corporate world, he only mentions decentralization from the
state governments to the districts and further down. No mention is made of the current
situation of the Union’s authority over the states and the need for devolution.
So, his idea of small states seems to be the continuation of the Nehruvian idea
of India, with states as weak administrative units under a strong Centre.</div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
Considering the historical distinctness of linguistic identities,
and the centralized nature of the Indian Union, demand from the states for more
functional autonomy is genuine, and it does not necessarily have to be seen in
the light of individual personalities like <b>J Jayalalitha</b>, <b>Mamata Bannerjee</b> or
<b>Mulayam Singh Yadav</b>. Being leaders of state parties they are more answerable to
the electorate that voted them to power than to a New Delhi high-command – a
highly undemocratic culture prevalent in the so-called national parties, in the
guise of national interests. So, the demands of states for more autonomy cannot
be brushed aside as regional jingoism. It is because of the unfounded fear of disintegration
that the Delhi establishment terms this as regionalism, and hence is less
willing to devolve.</div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
Division of the Telugu people, through undemocratic
display of power and dominance, may have been successfully executed for now. But
refusal to acknowledge genuine linguistic identities and condemning them as
jingoism, and attempting to divide them citing reasons of regional economic
imbalances and better manageability will backfire in the future. Finally,
Guruswamy makes the statement that “small states are a must if we have to keep
the Republic healthy and strong”. Given the surreptitious intentions
behind the idea of smaller states, the claim that it leads to a healthy and
strong republic is fictitious.</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-51811798116889858942015-09-29T07:30:00.000+05:302015-09-29T07:30:05.390+05:30Devolution Should Begin from New Delhi<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
<span lang="en-US">In a recent
<a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/mihir-s-sharma-the-india-of-towns-115091101152_1.html">article</a>
in Business Standard, columnist <b>Mihir Sharma</b> has expressed concerns
over growing ‘parochial attitudes’ in major Indian cities like
Mumbai. What is surprising in the article is, the author considering
India’s diversity as a barrier, and the author’s definition of
parochialism in this regard. The author questions -</span></div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
Why is it that so many of India’s
cities, which could be locations for the dissolution of the many
barriers that divide us, instead replicate and strengthen them?</blockquote>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
What are these barriers that the
author is talking about? It is evident that he is referring to
linguistic, cultural, ethnic, religious, regional, and many other
differences. But are they really barriers?</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
The world is naturally
pluralistic and several diverse peoples, have co-existed for several
millennia. So, when does diversity become a barrier or even appear as
one? When one wants to force juxtaposition of different peoples, does
diversity appear like a barrier. But then, diversity is only
natural. The topic of <a href="http://karnatique.blogspot.in/2009/09/forced-juxtaposition-theory-of-hatred.html">forced
juxtaposition</a> has been discussed previously in Karnatique. There
is no “natural antipathy” between any two given culturally or
linguistically different groups, and when there is need for
interfacing between the two they organically evolve methods of mutual
cooperation. But forced juxtaposition is what creates unease and
friction.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
Major cities of today’s India are
laboratories of forced juxtaposition. In the past when people moved
to a region that was culturally or linguistically different they
would integrate into the host society, first by picking up the
language of the land. In fact, even to this day, many developed
nations, such as those of the European Union encourage migrants to
learn the local language as a policy. Unfortunately, independent
India has dumped this policy of multilingualism. With English
available as a language of administration and official communication
across all states of India, and with the gradual promotion of Hindi
as a pan-India language, the natives and migrants are expected to use
these two languages for mutual interfacing, with special emphasis on Hindi. Any talk of encouraging the native languages is immediately
condemned as chauvinistic or parochial.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
Massive migration to major cities
has resulted in forced juxtaposition, and a policy of mono-lingualism
and the attitude of condemning anything native as parochial have been
detrimental to any possibility of integration.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
While calling Mumbai as parochial,
Mihir Sharma also adds that Delhi is free of the ‘poisonous’
natives-vs-migrants politics. But this is not a coincidence or not
an unusually tolerant character of the city.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
The promotion of Hindi use through
administration and legislation by the Union Government of India, as a
pan-India language, coupled with little encouragement to
multilingualism, has worked in favour of Delhi, which is part of the
Hindi heartland. Migrants, whether they are from UP and Bihar, or
from the non-Hindi states eventually learn the vehicular language of
Delhi and integrate.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
The same kind of integration is
absent in Mumbai or Bengaluru. State patronage to Hindi means that
the natives are expected to speak to migrants in Hindi, and the
migrants shall never be expected to learn the native tongue. This
attitude is considered liberal, and any attempts to protect the
linguistic rights of the natives are immediately condemned as
parochial or chauvinistic by voices of the Delhi establishment.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
Referring to the ‘parochial
politics’ of Mumbai, Mihir Sharma says that this model if
replicated across the Indian Union, “would doom the emergence of
more liberal, inclusive and prosperous India”. But the chauvinistic
and patronizing attitude of the Union is the root of all language
chauvinism, which the Delhi establishment has hardly acknowledged.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
The columnist also accuses the state
and its politicians for the lack of improvement or development in
Mumbai. He says:</div>
<blockquote class="tr_bq" style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
It has become ever more
subservient to the state that it nominally rules. No state government
or politician can afford to let Mumbai improve; as it stands, it is
too powerful a source of funds and power. Mantralaya’s restrictions
and regulations strangle the city and its amenities, but are exactly
what the state’s politicians need.</blockquote>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
The state of Maharashtra is the top
contributor to the Union Government’s revenues, with <a href="http://www.mapsofindia.com/top-ten/india-finance/direct-taxes.html">direct
taxes</a> from Maharashtra alone amounting to a whopping Rs. 40 lac
crore a year. The city of Mumbai contributes a major chunk of this
revenue but only a fraction of this revenue makes its way back to
Maharashtra, let alone Mumbai. Much of these funds are used to fund
the special packages for other states and the centrally sponsored
schemes. Why not return a major chunk of the revenue to the state or
even let the state collect and manage the revenue all by itself? It
is not the state of Maharashtra and its politicians that are holding
back development in Mumbai, but it is the Union Government by taking
away the city’s and the state’s major chunk of revenue.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
The author advocates decentralization to the urban bodies, but keeps mum on the
much bigger need to decentralize from the Union to the states.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
Consider the subjects that the
states and the Union have jurisdiction over. There are about sixty
six subjects on the state list, whereas the concurrent and the union
list together number a hundred and forty seven. The states do share
the concurrent list with the Union but the ruling of the Union can
override the legislation or orders of the state in those subjects.
So, in effect, the Union holds jurisdiction over more than twice the
number of subjects that the states do.</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a>Frequent
meddling with the state subjects by the Union Government through
centrally sponsored schemes further impinges on the powers of the
states. Considering the many diverse linguistic and ethnic groups
across India, such over-centralization of power at New Delhi robs
them off democratic empowerment. Hence the Union Government should be
a much thinner entity retaining only the portfolios of common
interests like external affairs and defence, and devolve the rest to
the states. Why is the columnist who calls Aam Admi Party’s “idea
of radical decentralization” as a “real political innovation”
silent on the devolution of powers to the states?</div>
<div style="margin-bottom: 0.11in;">
The Union should devolve as many
subjects as possible to the states, and should retain the ones like
foreign affairs and defence. The states shall decide on devolution of
powers to municipal bodies. As each state is different, the
devolution model shall be different. There cannot be a single model
of devolution of power from states to municipal bodies across India. </div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-63028787203530478672015-09-14T08:55:00.002+05:302015-09-29T07:28:24.405+05:30India Does Not Need a Single Language to Unite<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Outlook India <a href="http://www.outlookindia.com/news/article/hindi-can-unite-india-chase-away-english-rss-organ/912473">reports</a>
that an editorial published recently, to coincide with the Hindi Diwas
celebrations, in the RSS organ Panchajanya says "Hindi has the potential
to unite the country". The organization’s strong position to have Hindi,
especially Sanskritized Hindi, as a single linguistic unifying factor for the
whole of the Indian Union is quite well known. Ofcourse not everyone approves
of the organization’s stance. Often, there are questions raised asking if Hindi
is really the right choice for a link language or a ‘unifying language’ for
India. As someone, who also disagrees with RSS’s stance I would want to address
a more fundamental question here: does India really need a single language to
unite?<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
What makes people think that India is not united now and
that there is a need of a monotony to bind this vast landmass of one plus
billion people together? Obviously, there is a ton of linguistic diversity, and
one may argue that such linguistic and cultural differences may lead to
eventual disintegration unless there is a single bond that ties them all
together. But it is not as simple as it appears on the surface. Inducing a
common language, and promoting its use extensively through education,
administration, employment, financial services etc., will lead to that language
acquiring a superior status over native languages. As this language becomes
more powerful and begins occupying the registers of the native languages, those
native languages will be severely restricted in use, especially in the public domain.
Native language speakers will certainly raise objections to their language
being gradually side-lined and this will inevitably lead to frictions. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The editorial talks of how ‘efforts’ were made by some to
create a rift between Hindi and ‘regional’ languages thus affecting the growth
of Hindi. But when native language speakers face the loss of several registers
to Hindi and realize their mother tongue being gradually pushed to a second
grade status, resistance is expected. In fact it is the imposition of Hindi
that has created an atmosphere of suspicion and mistrust leading to opposition.
It is not a deliberate attempt to manufacture dissent, not an impression
created by pro-English language elements, nor is it a myth that is being perpetuated,
as claimed by the editorial.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
I am reminded of a statement in the preamble of the
<a href="http://www.unesco.org/cpp/uk/declarations/linguistic.pdf">Universal Declaration of Linguistic Rights</a> that talks about the factors
affecting or leading to the violation of linguistic rights of peoples across
the globe. The document first mentions the following as one of very critical
factors from which linguistic communities need to be protected.</div>
<br />
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
The age-old unifying tendency of
the majority of states to reduce diversity and foster attitudes opposed to
cultural plurality and linguistic pluralism. </blockquote>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
States that perceive linguistic plurality or diversity as
divisiveness will try to introduce a common linguistic factor so that it serves
as an icon that all peoples of the entire state can associate with. Presumably,
this induced common feature should help them transgress the pettiness of associating
with ‘divisive’ factors. But as we have learnt from history such moves have
only backfired. Pushing an alien tongue down the throats of an unsuspecting or
unwilling people will lead to ill will and confrontations. On the other hand, promoting
mutual respect towards one another’s languages and helping each language community
use and develop their language without any sort of external meddling or
interferences offer more opportunities to foster an environment of harmony and
unity among language communities.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
So, promoting Hindi as “"the symbol of Bharat” is a bad
idea with respect to the integrity of the Indian Union. One language can never
be the linguistic emblem of India. If there is one then it is linguistic
diversity. More it is respected and fostered, stronger and more integrated will
the Indian Union be.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
With regards to the use of English still being prevalent in
India the editorial says “English is not a language of our preference. It was
imposed on us by British.” It is true that excepting a fraction of English
educated people, most of India cannot speak or communicate in English
effectively. Truly, it is not a language of India’s preference. But Hindi is
not a language of India’s preference either. Except in states and regions where
the language is spoken it is alien to most of India. The British imposed
English. And now the Indian Union has been imposing Hindi for over six decades.
To a non-Hindi speaker, both are imperialist in nature and not much different.
Only that English is found to be a lesser evil owing to its usage in
administration by the British for a few centuries in the past, its continued
use today in India, and the emergence of English as a business language with
the promise of better employment opportunities globally. In any case, given the
options, a non-Hindi speaker would neither prefer English nor Hindi but would
rather prefer his own mother tongue.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Strengthening Hindi will strengthen the Hindi speaking
community. It does not necessarily strengthen the whole of India. One needs to
strengthen each language equally, so that each strengthened language community
will collectively lead to a strong India. And strengthening Hindi alone will
inevitably tilt the balance of power in favour of Hindi speakers. This will
have its repercussions too. Many native language communities have expressed
opposition to the state of Hindi hegemony resulting from this tilt of balance
of power. Unfortunately, their voices have always been suppressed calling them ‘parochial’,
‘chauvinistic’, ‘hate-mongering’, ‘fringe’ and what not.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Talking about the overall authority of English in the domain
of law the editorial says “English is entrenched deeply in the Supreme Court
functioning, file notings of bureaucracy and conduct of policy discussions,
which is very dangerous”. True, this is not just a cause of inconvenience to
Indians but in many cases may even result in denial of justice to common people
who have poor or no knowledge of English. But imagine English being replaced
with Hindi. What will this mean to a Kannadiga or a Tamilian or a Bengali?
Needless to say, it is a worse off situation to non-Hindi speakers. It also
raises the fundamental question of who the Indian Union really represents. The
Indian Union should represent a Kannada speaker equally as it does a Hindi
speaker. So, as a representative of Kannada speakers it is duty-bound to get
the Supreme Court or any other public institution function in Kannada. And not just
in Kannada, in all the widely spoken languages. That would be a fair
representation.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Also, the editorial’s support to make Hindi as one of the
official languages of the United Nations smacks of hypocrisy. When it wants
Hindi to have an upper hand in the whole of India and makes no mention of granting
official status to any of the other scheduled languages, how does it justify
itself to support the official status to Hindi in the United Nations? Doesn’t
this expose major fallacies in the organization’s idea of India, in which all
of linguistic identities, except one, find themselves in a subordinated
position? Why should non-Hindi speakers support such a hypocritical stance of
the RSS? Why should they accept a lower-ranking position for themselves? </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In the past, many freedom fighters, considered the founding
fathers of India, did back Hindi to be accorded the status of the national
language, which would serve as a common link across India’s diverse linguistic
landscape. Though India has time and again faced opposition from a few
linguistic groups with respect to having Hindi as a common link language, it
has been able to maintain a popular narrative that such a common language is indeed
necessary for the purposes of ‘national integration’. But as observed by UNESCO
itself, such attitudes not just undermine diversity but will also be counter-productive
in achieving the desired result of integration. It is time the Indian Union,
and outfits like the RSS, stop considering linguistic diversity as a bane to
Indian unity. They should understand and appreciate linguistic diversity, and endorse
provision of equal status and rights to all languages and its speakers,
regardless of their numbers, territory, or influence.</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-75874718943607553112015-09-10T07:23:00.000+05:302015-09-10T07:29:09.700+05:30World Hindi Conference: The Tyranny of Linguistic Imperialism Continues<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7JpTzNbCQZgFWrpHyFd1-7PF6kxWTpsIU9DAsjlMg-dX9xP7hHIfTyScuttIXPF4HDDs0Y_lkCkoO3F-bzGsBX4hMC8m3ZZw52OKpi58nDfaXG50BbNyE9C4ztA_qoU6T2sjUEPJRjwE/s1600/banner.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7JpTzNbCQZgFWrpHyFd1-7PF6kxWTpsIU9DAsjlMg-dX9xP7hHIfTyScuttIXPF4HDDs0Y_lkCkoO3F-bzGsBX4hMC8m3ZZw52OKpi58nDfaXG50BbNyE9C4ztA_qoU6T2sjUEPJRjwE/s1600/banner.jpg" /></a></div>
The Prime Minister <b>Narendra Modi</b> will inaugurate the tenth World Hindi Conference today, in Bhopal. The three-day event themed 'Hindi Jagat: Vistar evam sambhavnai' (World of Hindi: Expansion and Scope) is organized by the Ministry of External Affairs in partnership with the Government of Madhya Pradesh. So, what does it mean to an average Indian? At a time when India has begun to assert itself internationally, it is certainly quite exciting to witness the country come together to discuss the promotion and the possibilities of its own language at the global level, isn't it? Sign of a nation that is on the path to shrug off things colonial or non-native, and rediscover and strengthen its true identity!<br />
<br />
Yes, this is how many Indians, especially Hindi speakers, will look at it. But to all the non-Hindi peoples, it is business as usual. After all, we are used to the linguistic imperialism of the Indian Union on a daily basis. It has been happening for decades now. A conference held somewhere in the Hindi heartland is not a big deal and does not surprise us. We very well understand that many topics of discussion in the conference will have scant respect for our linguistic rights. Infact they are aimed at impinging on our rights, consciously or otherwise. The imperialists and their apologists will cheer at how this will help increase India's influence abroad and re-inforce 'national integration'. While we will continue to silently suffer the humiliation of losing our self-respect and identities. <br />
<br />
'What is wrong with a Hindi conference?', one may ask. After all, don't the other languages too have their own literature 'sammelanas'? Yes, it is true. There is nothing wrong in organizing a conference for Hindi. But the question is, how justified is the Government of India in organizing an event like this for Hindi alone? External Affairs Ministry or any arm of the Indian Union does not organize such an event for Kannada or Marathi or Assamese. Are these languages any less Indian? The Union Government is a representative of all linguistic peoples, not Hindi speakers alone. If the Ministry of External Affairs promotes Hindi globally, to be fair and just, should it not promote all the other languages of India, at least the widely spoken ones, with equal zeal? Why is public money that belongs to peoples of all linguistic groups being used to promote the interests of a single language community? To be fair the Union Government should promote all languages equally or none.<br />
<br />
Let us also take a look at the topics of discussion at the conference, and see how they do not comply with the conventions for linguistic rights that are internationally accepted. One of the main topics is the use of Hindi in external affairs. Again, it is the same question that arises. Why this preferential treatment to Hindi alone? Does Hindi represent all of India? One may argue that it is better to have one of 'our' languages represent India globally. To the non-Hindi peoples, Hindi may fall within the Indian border but that does not mean they can call it 'ours'. In fact, Hindi and English are equally foreign to us, and Hindi does not in any way represent us better than does English. The Gujarat High Court verdict declaring Hindi as foreign to Gujaratis is to be noted here.<br />
<br />
Also, it is ironic that India is seeking 129 votes from the United Nations' member states to recognize Hindi as one of official languages there. While the Indian Union itself aims to have only Hindi as its official language (as per the Constitution Hindi should be the sole official language, and English to continue on a temporary basis till the time Hindi becomes acceptable everywhere), and refuses to grant official status to any other for the fear of 'repercussions'. How hypocritical can it get?<br />
<br />
Promotion of Hindi among the Indian diaspora is also a subject of discussion. There is also a proposal to engage educational institutes in foreign countries through the Indian missions to encourage and promote teaching of Hindi. Does Indian diaspora only mean Hindi speaking people? If you take the example of Gulf countries, there is a large number of Indians from Kerala and other states of southern India. Why should Hindi be promoted among those non-Hindi speaking peoples? People of different linguistic communities of India have settled in various parts of the world. Is it fair to make use of their presence to promote Hindi there in the name of Indianness? A Malayalee settled in the Gulf, for example, would want his kids to learn Malayalam and not Hindi. In all fairness, the Indian Government should provide for facilities to learn and promote Malayalam there. Promoting Hindi alone is not fair to non-Hindi Indians.<br />
<br />
Hindi in Administration is another topic in the theme. It surely benefits the people in the Hindi speaking areas, but as mentioned earlier, we non-Hindis have suffered the imposition of Hindi through administration for several decades now. Though this topic has been covered in depth in Karnatique, and elsewhere, I will take one example to highlight the daily plight of the non-Hindis. In many nationalized banks, most printed material are made available in Hindi and English. While the RBI rules do state that such forms should also be made available in 'regional' languages, they are usually not found or are very small in number. When you question the bank officials, they usually cite the lack of supply from the head office/ branch. With a common bank examination offered only in Hindi and English, many people with no knowledge of the local languages are posted as bank officers. Imagine the plight of a non-Hindi native, who has to not only deal with an alien language on printed material but also in the mouths of unhelpful bank officials and executives. While a Hindi speaker can conduct all his transactions with ease even in non-Hindi regions.<br />
<br />
Banks, insurance, national highways, railways, various citizen services - the list is endless. Name the subject that falls under the jurisdiction of the Union Government, Hindi is imposed unabated there. It comes as no surprise that spreading of Hindi in north-eastern and southern states will also be considered in the conference. Has any other Indian language community discussed or debated about spreading their language in a state where that language is not native, with the objective of coaxing the natives to adopt it for daily use? <br />
<br />
It is true that India is seeking to expand its influence globally as a powerful state that is also democratic and honourable. As the state grows and matures, not just economically but also in human values, it is important that it re-evaluate some of its founding principles from the perspective of linguistic equality. In the past, states sought to artificially introduce uniformity owing to concerns of balkanization. Abuse of ethnic and linguistic rights, covertly or overtly, became necessary. But as we have seen, such states have eventually disintegrated. Respect for each language is more likely to help achieve integration than promoting a single language. Also, mature democracies have evolved to respect linguistic rights as a matter of principle. If India is to emerge as a mature and honourable state, it should reconsider its official language law.<br />
<br />
(<i><b>Image:</b> <a href="http://vishwahindisammelan.gov.in/logo-concept-hi.htm">vishwahindisammelan.gov.in</a></i>)</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-26562873199167233952015-08-31T07:58:00.000+05:302015-09-29T07:29:26.834+05:30What India Needs Today Is Linguistic Equality, Not Another Link Language<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXgl3p8AOYEpYZuMw8UbjFrD0EaV_ndOlFNL4JpI_jInMG5GV7yGh7tNtPMfMjDmdT8G3Acla2alRAt4erp89YW0LFJC35r-VBA_beFKofwygFftxh9pzDf9nY79LieROztu2-yIIGAEg/s1600/Griham-Griham-Samskritam.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="280" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhXgl3p8AOYEpYZuMw8UbjFrD0EaV_ndOlFNL4JpI_jInMG5GV7yGh7tNtPMfMjDmdT8G3Acla2alRAt4erp89YW0LFJC35r-VBA_beFKofwygFftxh9pzDf9nY79LieROztu2-yIIGAEg/s400/Griham-Griham-Samskritam.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
A news report published recently in The Hindustan Times,
reports that the Samskrita Bharati, a non-profit organization associated with
the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh, will launch an outreach drive to propagate the
use of Sanskrit throughout India. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b>Does a nation require a common link language?</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The report states that the organization’s one-day campaign
called 'Graham Graham Samskritam' (Sanskrit in every home) is aimed at
establishing Sanskrit as the 'rajbhasha', a pan-India medium of spoken and
written language. While the idea of having a single common language as a means
of communication still has many takers in India it is so old-school that many
advanced nations have abandoned such policies in favour of providing equal
rights and privileges to all linguistic communities. So, how long are we going
to continue to fool ourselves that the Indian Union needs a 'link language'
that will serve as some kind of a unifying factor?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
It seems natural that nations, which are linguistically
diverse should promote a link language to help facilitate communication across
all its regions and also to serve as a national unifying factor. But as we have
learnt from history, in the instances of Bangladesh, USSR etc., such attempts
have mostly been counter-productive leading to frictions between linguistic
groups and ethnicities, and have often resulted in disintegration of nations. On
the other hand promoting different languages can enhance mutual trust between
language groups and help achieve unity that national governments strive for.
This can be seen in several countries in Europe like Belgium and Finland, where
all languages are treated on par and the rights of its speakers are protected
as a state policy. The European Union actively encourages fostering of linguistic
and cultural diversities, as a way to promote integration between its member states.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b>How pragmatic is the promotion of Sanskrit in this age?</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Questions of pragmatism and practical sense also arise. Sanskrit
may have been used as a liturgical language by the learned few for more than
two millennia in India but as linguists and historians attest, it (proto
Sanskrit) evolved into various Prakrits more than two thousand years ago. These
Prakrits evolved into the various languages and dialects spoken across the
northern part of India today. What is the point in bringing back to speech (to
whatever possible extent) a language that has already evolved into various
languages and dialects? As we know it, speech is constantly under flux. So, even
if one succeeded in bringing Sanskrit back to speech in a few groups and
regions, it will inevitably change and evolve into different dialects in
decades and centuries to come. Should one take up the Sanskrit campaign again
then? This is not only so unnecessary and inefficient but also
counter-productive. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Instead, it makes a lot more sense to promote various
languages spoken across the country in education, administration and in all
other possible spheres of life. It will not only help literacy and education,
but also help people obtain citizen services and official government
communication in the language they are most comfortable with. Often, some
people argue that promotion of Sanskrit will enrich the other Indian languages
too, but linguistically speaking this is a false argument. Also, why is
Sanskrit being taken to every home? Don’t these homes already speak their
mother tongues? What is the need to oblige them to speak Sanskrit in place of
their respective mother tongues?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b>How good is Sanskrit as the medium of instruction?</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
The organization has also submitted a proposal to the Union
government, says the report, to continue to use the mother tongue as the medium
of instruction between class 1 and 8 and move to the Sanskrit medium from class
9 onwards. It is scientifically proven that for a child there is no better
medium of instruction than his/ her mother tongue. In this respect the
organization's proposal to use the mother tongue in the primary education is
right<span class="MsoCommentReference"><span style="font-size: 8.0pt; line-height: 107%;">.</span></span> But its suggestion to switch to Sanskrit medium from
class 9 is not justified. The decision to use a particular language or
languages of instruction in schools should, at the most, be left to respective
linguistic communities. Linguistic communities may work with their respective
state governments towards an acceptable resolution on the medium of instruction
if needed. Recommending Sanskrit medium to the children of several hundreds of different
linguistic communities across a vast landmass of a billion plus population, without
the consultation of the communities themselves is not correct.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
In Karnatique, we have always supported the mother tongue as
the medium of instruction, for scientific reasons. Not just primary education,
even offering higher education in the mother tongue will benefit the respective
linguistic communities. For their own benefit, linguistic communities should
work towards that goal. But trying to promote a different language, be it
English, Hindi or even Sanskrit as medium of instruction will be
counter-productive. It should be noted that no country has ever progressed by
using a language other than people’s language in education.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Such proposals to the Union Government too are inappropriate
as the Union represents all linguistic communities and not just one or two. Private
organizations are free to promote any language but they should not go to the
extent of violating linguistic rights of other linguistic communities. Encouraging
people to learn Sanskrit and teaching the language through private institutes
and classes are all fine, but promoting it with the intent of making it a pan-India
language, especially by using one’s influence in the Union Government, in order
to serve as a language of official use throughout the country or introducing it
as a medium of instruction in education on various other unsuspecting
linguistic groups is a mistake.</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-44006495975176497342015-08-27T08:17:00.000+05:302015-08-27T08:17:46.181+05:30All Indian Languages Ought to Be Promoted in Fields of Science<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div style="background-color: white;">
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheBj8gp1g0DBzr7FKYVy1zUfyOqf4g-mgFvNlxhTSk8c5LK7FJH5gZ_Byapfy7b_c-rMF6lrt_w6-qvcCUmQ6Gn8l1AVCN9LpWRMbRlaIpSrxpU5meJDXjaRo6UwP15FOx-DqQsJKIXhI/s1600/world-Hindi-Conference.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="227" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEheBj8gp1g0DBzr7FKYVy1zUfyOqf4g-mgFvNlxhTSk8c5LK7FJH5gZ_Byapfy7b_c-rMF6lrt_w6-qvcCUmQ6Gn8l1AVCN9LpWRMbRlaIpSrxpU5meJDXjaRo6UwP15FOx-DqQsJKIXhI/s400/world-Hindi-Conference.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Pic source: <i>indiandiasporaclub.com</i></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div>
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">As per </span><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/world-hindi-conference-to-push-the-language-as-means-to-employment/articleshow/48660654.cms" style="font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">this </a><span style="color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">report that appeared in the Economic Times dated 25th of August, world Hindi conference will be organized at the city of Bhopal in the month of September. The whole event is being sponsored and organized by the Government of India.Apart from its focus on literary activities in Hindi, strategies to promote the Hindi language in the fields of science and technology, foreign affairs, Information Technology and etc., will be debated in the event, says the report.</span></div>
<div>
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div>
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px;">Promoting the usage of Hindi in the several fields of science is certainly good for Hindi, and its speakers. However, shouldn't the Union Government of India, which is a representative of all the linguistic communities of India, be equally concerned about other Indian languages? Why does the Union Government fund and organize events related to Hindi language alone? Shouldn't all Indian languages be used in science and technology? Why are non-Hindi languages of India not treated at par with Hindi?</span></span></div>
<div>
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div>
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px;">These are the questions we all need to ponder!</span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-25579712939298724272015-08-14T07:27:00.000+05:302015-08-14T07:27:17.924+05:30Why ‘One Nation One Road Tax’ is Against Federal Principles<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiyVm6siyQGn92Cww7wazYIX0U1V-6_c7ectQpK4nmHXoMsarHm0MQLMD70lZBBKkQvbFSQXzewpg73OBPGJ-jXakdEjKb0ejfGNwdMY4NqtqshBwdhd34d3DvJ6PR1NHu3v3AMV5VvKlE/s1600/toll-road-Karnataka.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="377" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiyVm6siyQGn92Cww7wazYIX0U1V-6_c7ectQpK4nmHXoMsarHm0MQLMD70lZBBKkQvbFSQXzewpg73OBPGJ-jXakdEjKb0ejfGNwdMY4NqtqshBwdhd34d3DvJ6PR1NHu3v3AMV5VvKlE/s640/toll-road-Karnataka.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
<div>
There has been a lot of buzz about the 'Drive Without Borders'
initiative in the social media for quite some time now. The initiative
has also got some coverage in the mainstream media. It all started with
the Government of Karnataka’s decision to crackdown on vehicles
registered outside the state but were plying on the roads of Karnataka
and were evading paying of taxes. There has been quite a bit of
discussion on why this crackdown is bad for a section of people traveling in or moving into Karnataka from other states, so I am not
going to discuss the same stuff here again. The focus of this post will
be to analyse the 'Drive Without Borders' initiative, from the
perspective of the federal setup of the Indian Union.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
One
of the primary demands of the initiative is to have a uniform road tax
across India. On the surface, uniformity is appealing, but in reality
the world is diverse, non-uniform and colourful. So, what does a uniform
road tax mean to the states? As each state of the Indian union is
different, revenues and expenditures vary greatly from state to state.
It is the responsibility of the state governments to generate revenues
as per their planned or required expenditure, including spends on
primary healthcare and education, year on year. Apart from fuel, alcohol
etc., road tax is one of those few avenues from which the states
generate their taxes. So, any attempt to bring in a uniform tax system
will badly affect their revenues.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Let us say,
state A, as of today, stipulates 15% as the road tax to be paid. And let
us assume, this is overruled by the Indian Union’s uniform road tax of,
let us say, 10%. Now, this is will be a huge loss to the state's
exchequer. This will have a direct impact on many of the development
activities that the state may have planned to implement. Since such a
state will be short of money to fund its planned development activities
and other expenditure like those on education and health care, it is
forced to look for other options to raise revenue. Only way is to
squeeze more from whatever options that are left. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
The
Indian Union, often referred to as a quasi-federal setup, has always
had a heavy tilt of power towards the Centre. States are usually at the
receiving end, and will have to operate in the limited space and revenue
avenues available to them. There lies the root of the problem. The more
you take away from them, the more they are forced to squeeze from the
available opportunities. Instead, let states have their say in more
subjects. This will only give them more space to plan out their
respective expenditures well.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
This is not just
about revenue and expenditure but also about governance. A state with
heavy vehicle density, for example, may want to stipulate a higher road
tax to disincentivize individual vehicle buyers, encourage them to use
public transport and thus reduce congestion. If road tax were made
uniform, states will no longer be able to take such measures whenever
the situation demands. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
There are other issues
that ‘Drive Without Borders’ have brought forth. Like, the refunds from
many of the state RTOs are tough to obtain. Also, many people think that
imposing a life time tax if the vehicles are in the state for a mere
30-day period, is too much. These concerns are quite valid and should be
taken up with the respective state governments, as roads are a state
subject.</div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
A letter written to the Transport
Commissioner of Karnataka by the ‘Drive Without Borders’ team dated 28th
April 2015, which the author could get a copy of, highlights the plight
of people visiting the state for a short stay, and provides a few
suggestions to the Government to rectify the situation. They have also
added that they are with the Government of Karnataka to help curb the
‘menace’ of Pondicherry registered luxury vehicles that are evading the
tax. </div>
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
Working with the state government is the
right approach, and helps the cause that ‘Drive Without Borders’ team is
working towards. However, trying to build a narrative to take away
states’ power to levy road tax will only work against the cause.</div>
<div>
</div>
<div>
Many,
as expressed in some social media platforms, think it is discrimination
to have different laws and rules in a single nation. Some have even
gone ahead to call the different laws as racism. If that were the case,
the most liberal and democratic countries, especially in the West, will
have to be termed racist. For example, the USA has a much stronger
federal structure and road transport related laws vary from state to
state. </div>
<div>
</div>
<div>
In a country of one billion plus population and so
much diversity, it simply does not make sense to have centralized laws
throughout. The many ills that we see today are rooted in the
centralized nature in which the Indian Union operates. Centralizing
further will only worsen the situation.</div>
<div>
</div>
<div>
(<i><b>Image source: <a href="http://thehindu.com/">The Hindu</a>)</b></i> </div>
</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-10488971686718880432015-08-10T15:06:00.000+05:302015-08-10T15:08:06.572+05:30Weird Language Policy in Namma Metro<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
- <strong>by Vallish Kumar</strong><br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhvfxcE74Pea-wcGPQBFUBjhieKfVZyQ8fNOv5EKQjiHvnYtCwy8S5syH0omX0LjlFQfohmAsaJjcnpyDkXjtHqGqQWHwrcUoXo3yUhYJnX_ZIMYC5Bzaz2fz0ktDZvgMLxPUhl7qSneo_1/s1600/namma-metro.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="270" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhvfxcE74Pea-wcGPQBFUBjhieKfVZyQ8fNOv5EKQjiHvnYtCwy8S5syH0omX0LjlFQfohmAsaJjcnpyDkXjtHqGqQWHwrcUoXo3yUhYJnX_ZIMYC5Bzaz2fz0ktDZvgMLxPUhl7qSneo_1/s400/namma-metro.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><i>Pic source:indiarailonline.com</i></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
In the year 2011, Bengaluru got its first metro train, also called as 'Namma Metro'. From its inception, 'Namma Metro' has followed a weird language policy. It welcomes its passengers with sign boards and announcements in Kannada, English and Hindi. On close examination it becomes clear that the language policy of ‘Namma Metro’ is actually not driven with intentions to make navigation easy for the masses. Let us see how.<br />
<br />
<b>Flawed understanding of Cosmopolitanism</b><br />
To justify the use of Hindi in Namma Metro, there are arguments that Bengaluru is a cosmopolitan city and hence, the use of Kannada and English is not sufficient. What such an argument fails to consider is that the cities like Dubai, Hong Kong and Kuala Lumpur which are much more cosmopolitan than Bengaluru, have only two languages used in their Metros. Language of the land and English, being the two languages used in metros there. The recently inaugurated Chennai metro has adopted two language policy, Tamil and English. Even the Delhi Metro operates only in two languages, Hindi and English. Does this fact make the city of Delhi any less cosmopolitan?<br />
<br />
<strong>Language Policy Adopted in Namma Metro</strong><br />
When an RTI query was filed with Bangalore Metro Rail Corporation Limited, seeking details on the language policy adopted in Namma Metro, the reply received was shocking. As per the response to the RTI query, BMRCL has framed its own language policy and has decided to include Hindi. There is no directive either from GOK or GOI to compulsorily use Hindi in Bengaluru Metro. With that understanding, let us ponder over two other questions.<br />
<br />
<ol style="text-align: left;">
<li>Is including Hindi language in 'Namma Metro' a people-friendly move, as a few claim it to be?</li>
<li>Even if this language policy was formed internally by BMRCL, why was Hindi included?</li>
</ol>
<br />
<br />
<strong>More deserving languages than Hindi</strong><br />
Going by the population census, after Kannadigas, the next most populous linguistic communities in Bengaluru are Telugu, Urdu and Tamil speakers in that order. None of their languages has been used in ‘Namma Metro’.<br />
<br />
Indian Readership Survey data of 2011 reveals that Kannada dailies, with a readership of 16.2 lakhs and English dailies, with a readership of 9.5 lakhs, dominate the list of top ten 'most read' newspapers in Bengaluru. Kannada dailies Vijaya Karnataka and Prajavani were the most read newspapers in the year 2011, followed by the English daily The Times of India. In the list of top 10 newspapers of Bengaluru, apart from Kannada and English dailies, only the Tamil newspaper 'daily thanthi' has found the eighth slot with 88,000 readers. There is not a single Hindi daily in the Bengaluru's top 10 newspapers' list. <br />
<br />
This data is enough to say that Kannada and English reach the masses in Bengaluru. It is unfair and illogical to give prominence to a language like Hindi, which ranks probably sixth or seventh in terms of the number of speakers in Bengaluru. Especially when the third, fourth and the fifth largest linguistic communities are ignored, just to accommodate Hindi. This leads us to the question, why does Hindi get importance always ahead of other much deserving Indian languages?<br />
<br />
<strong>Language Policy of the Union Government breeds inequality</strong><br />
Answer to this question is in the flawed language policy adopted by the Union Government of India, ever since the current political India was formed. The constitution of India has made it the job of the Union Government to work towards making Hindi more and more acceptable across the geography of the Indian Union. The prolonged special treatment to Hindi by the Union Government of India, is what has caused the perception that everything related to Union Government must have Hindi in it. Such a perception has ensured that Hindi made its way even to ‘Namma Metro’, while the more deserving languages were pushed aside.<br />
The three language policy that was supposed to be adopted in schools, seems to have found its way into every establishment that is associated with the Union Government one way or the other. Even the Kannada Development Authority, in a recent letter to BMRCL, has asked the BMRCL to ensure that the three language policy is followed. While there is no constitutional obligation on BMRCL to follow the three-language policy, the Kannada Development Authority insisting on three-language policy’s usage shows the awareness levels regarding the three-language policy. This lack of awareness displayed by the Kannada Development Authority is a different debate altogether.<br />
<br />
<strong>End to discrimination</strong><br />
This preference to Hindi is nothing but discrimination against the several other linguistic groups that are part of the Indian Union. The only solution to this glaring discrimination is, to bring in linguistic equality in the Union of India. Linguistic equality can be achieved by declaring all the 22 languages in the eighth schedule of the constitution of India as the official languages of the Union Government. Only then, Hindi will stop taking place of other 'more deserving' languages, under the guise of being people-friendly.<br />
<strong><br /><br />
</strong></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com11tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2175348182143701206.post-10418164768582942362015-07-13T08:25:00.000+05:302015-07-13T15:12:10.173+05:30Is There a 'Right' Kannada?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXqKZkEFe3BZ9GwG_rl837HMHu7j6Va1ImVUkG1NoKfSCB4MEmmbUWznnoJ6HquYpO0pFKRUuikxL32NvkQ7ZQ0qQz6G11HfnaiVkDo4jorb9QN8dOu0IBRIZ_nRJcSiGnvi0HoVWktUA/s1600/EDL_Logo1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="396" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXqKZkEFe3BZ9GwG_rl837HMHu7j6Va1ImVUkG1NoKfSCB4MEmmbUWznnoJ6HquYpO0pFKRUuikxL32NvkQ7ZQ0qQz6G11HfnaiVkDo4jorb9QN8dOu0IBRIZ_nRJcSiGnvi0HoVWktUA/s640/EDL_Logo1.jpg" width="640" /></a><br />
“Kannadigas themselves do not speak Kannada properly”, “Many Kannadigas do not know the right way of pronouncing Kannada words”, “We Kannadigas have spoilt our language because of our lack of understanding of the right pronunciation of Kannada words”. If you are a Kannadiga, chances are that you have heard such statements quite often. There is also a lot of ridiculing of such 'incorrect' pronunciations that you may have heard of. For example, pronouncing the word 'dhana' (ಧನ - meaning wealth in Sanskrit) as 'dana' (ದನ - meaning cattle in Kannada) by dropping the mahaprana (aspirate) is often mocked at. In reality, we know that most Kannadigas pronounce it as 'dana', including those who mock, unless they are speaking in a formal setting and are quite self-conscious.<br />
<br />
But how can one claim that most native speakers of a language do not speak it properly or often mispronounce its words? It seems quite strange, and to understand this situation we need to understand what really defines a language, and what indeed is the 'right' pronunciation of a language's words. Since I am taking this subject up in the Kannada context, I will keep the whole discussion mostly around Kannada, though the arguments may be applicable to any language in a similar situation.<br />
<br />
We see languages in two forms, spoken and written. Most often we think that the written variety to be the 'right' one and all spoken forms are assumed to be corruptions of this variety. So, is the written variety or the one that is used in formal contexts, the 'right' version of a given language?<br />
<br />
Languages came into being in the form of speech, several thousands of years ago. But the written form is a relatively recent invention. It only came into being only a few thousand years ago, and till recent times in history, only a small fraction of the world's population used writing. Many languages, to this day, are not written.<br />
<br />
Also, as speech changes and evolves, the written variety too changes accordingly. For example, the written variety of Kannada today is not the same as that in the tenth century. As spoken Kannada changed over time, the written variety too has changed along with it.<br />
<br />
So, it is clear that for a language, speech is the ultimate source of truth. A language may have no writing but may be very vibrant and alive. On the other hand languages like Latin, may still be used in writing, but as they have no speakers, for all practical purposes they are dead. Languages have several varieties and dialects. Even if the dialects are mutually intelligible, having to read all the different dialects in the written form is cumbersome for readers. Writing, inevitably requires standardization, so, there is usually a single variety or dialect of the language adopted as a standard for writing. That is how standardization in writing evolved. <br />
<br />
So, one should see the written form just as one of several forms of the language, and not as a superior or the 'right' variety. So, the dialect spoken by a backward community, for instance, and the dialect spoken by learned people, are simply two different varieties of the same language. Neither one is superior to the other or is the right variety of the language.<br />
<br />
Now, let us look at the history of standard varieties used in Kannada writing. During the times of Halegannada (Old Kannada) it is said that the Jainas of Coastal Karnataka were the first to begin writing in Kannada. So, it is quite obvious that they used their dialect in writing which later became the standard. Writing in Nadugannada (Middle Kannada) is said to have been begun by the Lingayaths of northern Karnataka, and needless to say their dialect was adopted as the standard. Literature in Hosagannada (New Kannada) was started by the Brahmins of Mysuru. As a result, it is their dialect that forms the standard variety across Karnataka today.<br />
<br />
Now that we have a writing standard that is accepted across Karnataka, should we take this standard as close to all the dialects as possible or should we take it farther and make it much tougher to the Kannada speakers? The answer is obviously the former; have the written form as much close to the spoken varieties as possible. But there are a few practices in Kannada writing that has kept the standard variety as far away as possible from the spoken varieties when there is much scope to bring it closer. Simple changes can help address the issues.<br />
<br />
Take for instance the word for earth 'boomi' (ಬೂಮಿ). Many argue that it should be pronounced as 'bhoomi' (ಭೂಮಿ) - the first letter should be a mahaprana (aspirate). In reality, Kannadigas do not utter or use mahapranas in regular speech. Even those who argue that mahapranas are a must, do not use it in regular speech. So, mahaprana consonants in loan words (native Kannada words do not have mahapranas), become non-mahaprana consonants, as in ಸ್ತಾನ (staana), ದೀರ್ಗ(deerga), ಸಂಸ್ತೆ (samste), ಸುಕ (suka), ಅನುಬವ (anubava) etc, in regular speech.<br />
<br />
There is a misconception that this phenomenon is only seen in the southern districts of Karnataka, especially in and around Mysuru, and that the mahapranas are prevalent in the northern parts, and the coastal regions. But this is a myth, mahapranas do not appear in the spoken varieties of Kannada across all regions. Given this, should such loan words be written as they are pronounced or as they are ought to be pronounced?<br />
<br />
Needless to say, writing them as they are pronounced should be the right approach. So, dropping mahapranas out of the alphabet will benefit the masses. It reduces quite a lot of confusion and makes learning so much easier. There is a similar problem with letters like ಋ, ಷ, and ಅಃ. They are not there in Kannada speech, and forcing to retain them in writing creates unnecessary confusion and people inevitably make mistakes. And a small minority that is good at these make fun of the vast majority that make mistakes.<br />
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When we talk of getting the written form as much closer to speech as possible, there are many who intentionally misinterpret it. Take the word 'ಹೊರಡು' (horadu - Kannada for 'leave' or 'exit'). It is pronounced differently in different dialects, like 'ಒರಡು' (oradu), 'ವೊರಡು' (voradu), 'ವೊರ್ಡು' (vordu), 'ವೊಳ್ಡು' (voldu) etc. They not only make fun of such pronunciations but also ask if all these various 'uncultured' pronunciations be incorporated into writing, and in that case what would happen to standardization.<br />
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Making fun of people and their dialects is uncalled for, but the question of standardization is definitely a valid one. But in our effort to get writing "as much close to spoken forms" as possible we do not have to give up on standardization. "ಹೊರಡು" is a standard form that has been accepted and can be retained as it is. Instead, one may avoid the usage of words like 'ನಿರ್ಗಮಿಸು' (nirgamisu), which do not exist in any spoken forms of Kannada. This is how you get closer to people.<br />
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Why should it be a problem if a few such loan words are used, one may ask? Borrowing from other languages will only help our vocabulary, won't it? It appears so on the surface, but Kannada writing, especially science literature, is filled with so many unknown and unfamiliar borrowings and 'coined' terms that it is literally impossible to read and make sense out of them. Take for example, these words I found in the eighth class Science text book (Government of Karnataka): 'ಲವಣ' (lavana), 'ಸಸ್ಯ' (sasya), 'ವನ್ಯಜೀವಿ' (vanyajeevi), 'ಶೈವಲ' (shaivala). These can be easily replaced by familiar words like 'ಉಪ್ಪು' (uppu), 'ಗಿಡ' (gida), 'ಕಾಡುಜೀವಿ' (kaadujeevi), and 'ಪಾಚಿ'(paachi). There are tons of such words in textbooks and there is no way any student or even teachers can make sense out of them, let alone learn science.<br />
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Considering the scope to reduce the gap between spoken and written forms of Kannada, two steps need to be taken. One, we need to get the Kannada script inline with the phonetics of the language. As discussed above, there are several extraneous letters in the alphabet which can be removed. Two, in usage of words and coining new ones, we need to ensure they are not alien to Kannada speakers. While there is no need to remove well-known loan words, there is also no need to borrow unknown or unfamiliar ones. Known Kannada words can be used in their place. And finally, we need to understand that there is no dialect or a language that is superior to another. All languages and all their dialects are equally capable of expressing human thought. Let us respect them all and treat them and their speakers with dignity.<b> </b><br />
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